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University  of  California  •  Berkeley 


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SOCIALISM 


A,  J.  Starkweather 


Published  on  demand  by 

.       .UNIVERSITY  MICROFILMS 

University  Microfilms  Limited,  High  Wycomb,  England 
A  Xerox  Company,  Ann  Arbor,  Michigan,  U.S.A. 


Authorized  xerographic  reprint.' 
UNIVERSITY  MICROFILMS,  A  Xerox  Comf 
Ann  Arbor , Michigan,  U.S.A. 

1970 


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S.  ROBERT  WILSON 


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SOCIALISM 


BBINO 


A  BRIEF  STATEMENT  OF  THE  DOCTRINES  AND 

PHILOSOPHY   OF    THE   SOCIAL 

LABOR   MOVEMENT 


.'* 


/ 


BT 


A.   J.    STARKWEATHER 


.-  i 


AND 


S.    ROBERT    WILSON 


WITH  AN  INTRODUCTION  BY      . 

BURNETTE    G.  HASKELL 


:  «w 


!  Km/ 


NEW   YORK 

JOHN  W.   LOVELL  COMPANY 

14  and  16  Vesey  Street 

18S4 


.« 


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0 

* 


*\ 


•*  Ye  tell  me  that  this  struggle  fs  hopeless.  That  answer  proves  your 
cowardice  and  unfaith!  Let  the  Nkw  Okokr  come!  For  it  it  comprises 
but  ten  men  of  exalted  character,  fully  conscious  ol  all  that  their  destiny 
has  of  the  happy  and  the  sublime  in  it,  and  firmly  resolved  to  save  Liberty 
or  perish  with  it— Liberty  wjll  lit:  saviu>  I"  ■ 

MAXIM1LIEN     RoBGSriERRK. 


M  The  great  appear  great  to  us,  only  because  we  are  on  our  knees — let         . 
uirise!"  Thkrofgne  dk  Mkricourt.  V 

"And  I,  too,  love  Peace,  but  not  the  peace  of  Slavery."— Danton. 


corvmciiT,  i?84,  bv 
JOHN  W.  LOVEI.L  COMPANY. 


M 


I  •?  i 


» 

sir 

»■'■-"■■•  !;p^CJ 

iFACE. 

•    '.■  ;  •    »    '.''.■■■ 

>                 ■-' 
u  •  «                      '    . 

;  '     ;  i  . . :  i    .';..■..-. 

The  issuance  of  this  work  needs  no  statement  of  the 
reason  for  its  publication.  The  demand  for  a  popular 
hand-book,  briefly  and  forcibly  presenting  the  doctrines 
which,  in  the  opinion  of  many  of  the  best  thinkers  of 
the  world  to-day,  are  necessary  of  adoption  to  preserve 
our  modern  civilization,  is  self-evident.  It  is  in  response 
to  this  demand  that  the  book  is  before  you. 

Every  important  phase  of  the  great  labor  movement 
which  now  shakes  the  foundations  of  the  world  is  here 
for  the  first  time  in  one  brief  essay  presented  to  the 
public.  So  immense  a  theme  so  briefly  elucidated  must 
necessarily  be  but  suggestive.  It  is  provocative  of  in- 
quiry  rather  than  an  absolute  answer  to  all  criticism 
that  it  may  challenge.  It  is  rather  the  gage  of  war,  the 
iron  gauntlet  thrown  into  the  lists,  than  the  full  armored 
knight,  prepared  for  battle,  and  serenely  confident  of 
victory. 

!t  seems  to  us  that  it  is  the  duty  of  all  reformers  to 
know  the  fundamental  principles  of  justice,  and  that 
those  principles  forever  remain  the  same.  No  matter 
whether  the  reform  sought  at  the  time  be  but  a  step, 
yet  it  ought  to  be  a  step  toward  the  loftiest  mountain 
tops  of  liberty,  and  not  a  mere  movement,  blind,  though 
well  meant,  amid  the  brakes  and  brambles  of  the  gulch 
and  valley. 


v  h  ft  ] 

4  PREFACE. 

The  thoughtful  menV>f  earth,  the  Children  of  Light, 
foresee  that  these  questions  can  be  decided  finally  and 
forever  by  no  other  means  than  by  the  sword  of  war. 
That  the  day  of  conflict  draws  ever  nearer  and  nearer, 
and  that  conditions  themselves  will  force  the  fight  long 
before  the  peoples  of  the  world  see  and  know  the  truths 
upon  which  the  advent  of  the  newer  and  grander  life 
must  be  founded,  is  no  longer  a  contested,  but  an  ad- 
mitted fact 

It  behooves  us,  then,  to  waste  no  precious  moments  in 
useless  labor.  Let  us  bend  every  energy  to  the  educa- 
tion of  the  people,  that  they  may,  when  clangs  the  fate- 
ful hour,  know  how  and  where  to  strike  for  liberty  or 
death. 

San  Francisco,  California,  September  i,  18S4. 


-  * 


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■'  ■••■,.     .       '.'•    •••  ,i    J  ■   ■:    .»T.  H'tfi     :  I'..'  . 

LEXICON.        ?        ;. 


.  <M      /»»!<*     ?«.      .'"1  '     -  •/'* 


The  Socialistic  propaganda  having  introduced  several 
new  words  to  the  public,  and  having  as  well  attached 
definite  meanings  to  several  others,  it  will  not  be  out  of 
place,  and  will  certainly  conduce  to  clearness,  to  define 
them  here  : 

Society.    • 

Modern  "  civilized "  Society  is  divided  into  three 
classes,  as  follows  : 

The  Aristocracy,  consisting  of  those  people  in  Europe 
who  come  of  "  gentle  blood  "  and  those  in  America  who 
live  upon  inherited  wealth — the  Drones. 

The  Bourgeoisie,  consisting  of  all  of  those  who  derive 
their  living  from  rent,  profit,  or  interest  ;  those  in  short 
who  arc  not  wage-workers,  together  with  their  hangers- 
on  and  allies — tiie  Robbers. 

The  Proletariat,  the  working  people  of  the  world,  those 
who  really  do  the  work  and  who  receive  in  return  for 
their  labor  a  part  of  its  worth  called  "  wages  " — the 
Plundered  Slaves. 

[The  adjectives  formed  from  these  words  are  bourgeois, 
proletarian  ;  the  singular  nouns  defining  an  individual  of 
these  classes  are  a  bourgeois,  a  proletarian,  a  prolctaire. 
Bourgeois  is  pronounced,  boor-zhwau.  Bourgeoisie  is 
pronounced,  boor-zhwau-zie. — The  word  M  proletariat  " 
meant  originally,  and  3ti!l  means,  "the  disinherited."] 

The  two  former  classes  sustain  the  present  method 
which  governs  the  obtaining  of  a  livelihood  in  this 
world,  which  is  denominated  the  "Competitive  System 
of  Industry."  By  the  aid  of  pulpit,  press,  and  politician, 
owned  by  them,  and  because  of  the  ignorance  of  the 
working  people,  this  system  is  maintained. 


I 


LEX/COX. 


Socialism. 


Socialism  is  defined  by  Webster  as  follows  :  M  A  better 
and  more  just  system  of  government."  A  better  defini- 
tion is  this  :  Socialism  is  the  science  of  Justice  applied 
to  social  conditions  of  mankind,  its  fundamental  princi- 
ple being  that  the  right  to  labor  and  to  receive  the  full 
value  of  that  labor  must  be  secured  to  every  individual. 
[Note  :  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  words  Commun- 
ism and  Socialism  by  general  custom  have  become  al- 
most synonymous.  In  point  of  fact,  though  generally  so 
used,  they  are  not  synonyms.] 

Communism. 

Communism  is  that  scheme  of  social  regeneration  which 
urges  the  establishment  of  a  system  which,  based  upon 
the  family,  will  require  from  its  members  only  what 
they  are  able  to  produce  and  will  return  to  them  what- 
ever they  wish  to  consume* 

Individualism. 

.  ■  *  * 

Individualism  (that  commonly  known  ns  the  M  Man- 
Chester"  school)  is  that  peculiar  and  anarchical,  or  want 
of,  method  of  social  association  which  now  prevails. 
Its  only  rule  is  to  let  he  who  has  the  power,  take,  and 
he  retain  who  can.  [JEST  Individual  Sovereignty  based 
upon  Socialism  is  an  entirely  different  affair  and  must 
not  be  confused  with  it.] 

:  Policy  of  the  Socialists. 

The  Social,  the  Sexual,  and  the  Religious  questions 
are  entirely  different  ones  and  should  not  be  confused 
with  each  other.  Socialists  are  interested  in  the  first, 
and  only  deal  with  the  second  and  especially  the  third 
when  they  place  themselves  in  antagonism  to  our  course 
upon  the  first.  We  maintain  that  social  reform  once  ac- 
complished, all  others  will  easily  and  naturally  follow. 


LEXICON* 


Economic  Terms. 


Capital  is  the  surplus  remaining  of  the  earnings  of  la- 
bor after  all  its  needs  have  been  supplied — it  is  stored  up 
tabor,  or  honestly  earned  property. 

Capitalized  Profits  (familiarly  and  wrongfully  known  in 
the  commercial  world  as  "capital")  is  cither  the  unpaid 
wages  of 'the  producer^  or  a  forced  tax  upon  the  necessities 
of  the  consumer.  [In  this  book  the  ordinary  word 
"  capital  "  is  used,  the  authors  not  desiring  at  this  stage  of 
the  movement  to  confuse  the  mind  of  the  reader ;  by 
"capital  "  both  here  and  in  general  literature  M  capital- 
ized profits  "  is  really  meant.] 

Property  (honestly  acquired  ;  storcd-up  labor)  is  sa- 
cred. 

Profit  (capitalized  profits;  miscalled  "property"  and 
"  capital  ")  is  the  solidified  fruits  of  a  wholesale  brigand- 
age ;  in  brief,  theft. 

Rent  is  robbery. 

Interest  is  an  immoral  and  unjust  tax  extorted  by  a 
master  from  the  necessities  of  the  slave. 


I   ..-—- 


J   X 


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: .     "       • ,  .  .     i  '  ■ .      i ;•>••'••  ••  • 

THE    DEVELOPMENT   OF   AMERICAN 

SOCIALISM. 


In  Mr.  H.  M.  Hymlman's  scientific  text-book  on  So- 
cialism (*'The  Historical  Basis  of  Socialism  in  Eng- 
land") he  shows  that  the  Golden  Age  of  the  English 
people  (from  a. u.  1350  101500)  was  chieily  marked  by 
the  fact  that  the  producing  classes  were  really  free  to 
contract  for  their  labor  and  its  reward  ;  that  they  held 
the  land,  the  implements,  and  the  produce  alike  at  their 
own  disposal,  subject  only  to  certain  well-defined  pay- 
ments to  the  master  class  ;  that,  producing  for  their  own 
use  and  not  for  profit,  they  had  at  hand  the  necessities 
of  food,  clothing,  and  shelter  as  a  result  of  their  own  la- 
bor;  and  that  no  man  could  call  upon  them  for  labor  or 
for  battle  save  of  their  own  free  will. 

After  showing  how  fine,  sturdy,  honest,  and  indepen- 
dent the  English  of  these  days  were,  how  well  they  were 
fed,  housed,  and  clothed,  and  how  superior  in  every  sense 
they  were  to  their  miserable  descendants  of  to-day,  Mr. 
Ilyndman  sketches  with  a  master  hand  the  course  of 
their  decadence. 

How  the  land  and  raw  materials  were  torn  from  their 
grasp  by  the  aggressions  of  the  larger  capitalists,  how 
the  workers  were  divorced  from  their  tools  and  Hung 
into  large  factories,  and  how,  by  division  of  labor  and 
outside  production  for  profit  under  the  wage  system,  the 
producers  were  final  1)  converted  into  the  proletariat  of 
the  present  lime,  could  not  have  been  better  stated  nor 
more  clearly  proven. 

That  this  same  course  of  events  has  been  followed  in 
every  civilized  land  is  undoubtedly  a  fact,  although  the 
superficial  thought  of  the  present  day  fails  tu  grasp  the 


To  SOCIALISM. 

historical  points  which  \mnrk  its  progress  to  the  real 
student  That  it  is  especially  the  case  in  America  not 
even  so  superficial  a  thinker  as  Professor  Sumner  will,  I 
think,  deny  after  he  shall  have  noted  the  facts  which  I 
propose  briefly  to  touch  upon. 

Socialism,  which  in  brief  is  that  science  that  insists 
upon  the  worker  having,  first,  free  access  to  the  materials 
of  production  ;  second,  free  use  of  the  tools  of  produc- 
tion, and  third,  free  use  of  the  medium  of  exchange — this 
Science  of  Justice  can  with  right  claim  that  in  America, 
the  social  conditions  which  ultimately  in  every  land  will 
compel  its  adoption,  have  swept  from  point  to  point, 
from  phase  to  phase  with  a  rapidity  and  force  seen  in  no 
other  clime. 

Never  before  in  so  short  a  period  have  the  people  of 
any  nation  progressed  through  the  barbaric,  the  tribal, 
the  feudal,  and  the  commercial  ages.  And  if  the  law  of 
analogous  sequences  holds  good,  never  will  be  witnessed 
so  rapid  a  snaking  off  of  the  chains  of  Capitalism  and 
so  glorious  a  birth  into  the  realms  of  Social  Freedom 
as  will  be  seen  here,  in  these  United  States,  within  tiie 
next  decade. 

The  people  of  this  land  were  once  free,  prosperous, 
and  happy.  They  are  now  miserable,  poor,  and  en- 
slaved. That  the  first  was  and  why,  that  the  second  is 
and  the  reason  therefor,  I  hope  to  show. 


It  was  not  the  sangrc  azul  of  the  Visigoth ic  race,  nor 
the  daring  of  the  Paladins,  nor  the  courage  of  a  daunt- 
less chivalry  that  drove  the  frail  fleets  of  the  fust  settlers 
of  America  from  the  olden  home.  No— it  was  the  de- 
velopment at  home  of  the  modern  competitive  system. 
The  seizure  of  the  land  and  tools  had  begun,  men  were 
driven  from  their  homes,  shut  out  of  an  opportunity  to 
labor,  and  naturally  and  inevitably  they  sought  a  place 
abroad  where  the  means  of  subsistence  could  be  ob- 
tained. 

Had  no  hospitable  America  been  open  to  them  they 
would  have  remained  at  home  and — fought.  But  the 
path  was  open,  and  instead  of  fighting  they  lied.  That 
some  of  the  poorer,  the  more  desperate,  perhaps  as  well 


SOCIALISM*  \\ 

the  braver,  did  fight,  will  be  remembered  whan  we  re- 
call the  English  insurrections  of  the  working  people 
between  1536  and   1568,  especially  that  of  Robert  Kett 

in  1549-* 

The  original  colonists  of  America  consisted  mainly  of 
English,  though  Holland,  Sweden,  France,  Scotland, 
Ireland,  and  Germany  were  represented  by  men  driven 
over  by  the  same  economic  causes  as  those  developed  in 
England, 

Placed  on  the  shores  of  an  unknown  country,  unpro- 
vided with  either  food  or  shelter,  the  exiles  found,  how- 
ever, aii  abundance  of  the  first  requisite  of  economic 
freedom — raw  material  free  to  all.  Land,  wood,  coal, 
iron,  stone,  wild  animals,  fowl,  and  fish  abounded  for  all 
who  wished  to  use  them.  To  these  they  applied  their 
labor.  The  result  was  a  state  of  society  approximating 
that  of  the  English  people  of  the  "Golden  Age" — dif- 
fering from  it  only  in  thatagreatei  amount  of  toil  was  a 
necessity,  owing  to  the  undeveloped  state  of  the  country. 

Had  the  colonics  been  left  to  themselves  they  Would 
soon  have  made  themselves  independent  of  the  mother 
land,  by  manufacturing  their  own  tools  of  production 
and  actively  engaging  in  the  making  of  the  articles 
found  necessary  for  their  welfare.  But  the  capitalist 
classes  of  England  had  scented  the  game.  In  x66o  they 
passed  the  "  Navigation  Acts."  By  these  the  colonists 
were  forbidden  to  send  their  products  to  any  market 
but  England,  they  were  not  allowed  to  buy  goods  save 
in  England,  and  to  crown  all  everything  had  to  be  car- 
ried in  English  vessels. 

These  restrictive  laws  throttled  local  manufacture  and 
compelled  the  settlers  no,t  only  to  pay  an  unjust  tax  on 
the  tools  of  production  but  prohibited  them  as  well 
from  even  using  certain  tgols  at  alL 

In  ? 674  the  capitalist  class  of  England,  through  their 
Parliament,  took  another  step.  They  laid  heavy  duties 
on  ceitain  imported  a.  tides  and  passed  severe  statutes 
to  enforce  the  Navigation  Acts. 

Meanwhile,  in  the  Colonies  a  capitalist  class  had  also 
been  developed   from  three  causes.     First,  the  seizure 

*  Kn  passant,  note  :  that  nnu\  there  being  at  hand  no  new  Americas 
the  grand  revolution  is  imminent  in  every  land. 


«  SOCIALISM. 

of  large  tracts  of  land  under  grants  from  the  crown,  these 
tracts  lying  around  the  points  of  commercial  vantage  ; 
second,  the  Working  of  large  estates  by  slave  labor,  which 
was  introduced  by  English  capitalist  speculators  as  early 
as  1620  ;  and  third,  the  use  of  the  English  medium  of 
exchange,  money,  early  substituted  for  rolls  of  tobacco 
employed  by  the  first  settlers  to  gauge  the  relative  value 
of  different  productions.  The  seized  lands,  the  slaves, 
and  the  money  were  absorbed  by  this  newly  formed  cap- 
italist class.  The  first  furnished  them  with  the  raw  ma- 
terial, the  second  (slaves)  with  the  instruments  of  pro- 
duction, and  the  third  with  a  medium  of  exchange.  This 
last,  following  the  example  of  their  class  at  all  times, 
they  supplemented  by  a  creation  of  their  own,  a  system 
of  notes,  drafts,  checks,  bills,  etc.,  thus  providing  them- 
selves with  a  practically  free  medium  of  exchange,  using 
which  they  could  in  a  great  measure  do  without  the 
authorized  governmental  medium,  money. 

Thus  occupying  this  position  they  were  free,  though 
their  freedom  meant  the  slavery  of  the  mere  producers, 
who  thenceforth  were  used  simply  as  M  tools." 

Unlike  the  producers,  this  commercial  class  was  quick 
to  see  any  invasion  of  its  rights,  and  when  their  fellows 
in  England  laid  a  tax  upon  all  deeds,  notes,  bills,  checks, 
under  the  name  of  the  "  Stamp  Act,"  they  saw  at  once 
that  it  meant  a  limit  to  their  right  of  a  free  medium  of 
exchange;  and  ultimate  slavery  of  their  fraction  to  the 
larger  thieves  at  home. 

They  protested  ;  but  finding  protests  of  no  avail,  they 
fought.  And  into  the  battle  with  them  they  dragged 
the  already  growing  proletariat  and  the  large  and  com- 
paratively independent  agricultural  classes. 

The  revolution  of  1776  was  clearly  and  absolutely  a 
bourgeois  affair.  Not  only  its  causes  but  its  results 
evidence  that  it  was  so. 

Its  parallel  in  England  was  the  conquest  by  William 
of  Orange  ;  in  France  the  revolution  of  17H9. 


The  actual  physical  conflict  once  begun  let  us  do  the 
American  capitalists  the  credit  to  declare  that  they  did 
not  shirk  their  share  of  the  burden. 


SOCIALISM.  13 

It  Is  no  more  than  fair  to  admit  that  the  overtures 
which  were  made  at  midnight  In  an  open  boat  on  the 
James  River  by  a  certain  faction  to  the  Pretender,  look- 
ing to  his  assuming  the  American  crown,  were  made 
without  the  knowledge  of  the  mnin  body  of  the  class. 
Yet  it  is  said  that  the  proposition  of  crowning  Washing- 
ton was  received  secretly  with  great  favor  and  only 
abandoned  on  Hamilton's  representations  that  the  peo- 
ple would  never  submit  to  the  name  of  "King,"  and  his 
subtile  suggestion  as  to  the  change  of  nomenclature. 

The  revolution  once  accomplished,  independence  of 
the  capitalist  classes  attained,  the  sole  study  of  the  ris- 
ing bourgeoisie  was  to  prevent  the  proletariat  from  as- 
serting their  rights  to  material,  tools,  and  money,  and  to  • 
hold  these  factors  of  happiness  iirtheir  own  hands  alone. 

This  task  was  easv  for  three  reasons  : 

i.  Millions  of  acres  of  unclaimed,  unused  land  stretched 
to  the  westward,  seemingly  to  be  so,  to  the  eyes  of  the 
poor,  forever. 

2.  War  had  tired  the  workers  out.  They  had  no  heart 
for  further  controversy,  and  were  anxious  to  again  devote 
their  energies  to  labor  on  their  own  land. 

3.  The  few  real  patriots  who  saw  the  trend  of  events 
and  who  alone  had  sufficient  leisure,  ability,  and  wealth 
to  successfully  contest  their  advancement  were  bribed, 
cajoled,  hoodwinked,  threatened,  or  removed  from  the 
scene  of  action.  Among  these  were  Thomas  "Paine, 
against  whom  were  brought  the  batteries  of  religious  in- 
tolerance, and  Thomas  Jefferson,  who  was  sent  -out  of  the 
way  in  honorable  exile  as  Minister  to  the  Court  of 
France. 

The  bourgeoisie  were  thus  masters  of  the  field.  Un- 
der the  leadership  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  as  the  M  Fed- 
eralistic  "  party,  they  carried  every  point.  This  man, 
more  than  any  other  responsible  for  the  misery  of  to-day, 
based  all  his  action  upon  these  words  : 

"  In  all  civilized  countries  the  people  are  necessarily 
and  naturally  divided  into  two  classes  ;  the  one  :  the  few, 
the  rich,  the  well-born  ;  the  other:  the  many,  the  poor, 
the  laboring  masses."  * 

•This  passnpc  was  quoted  and  approved  by  J.  A.  Garfield,  the 
"martyred"  hero  of  the  bourgeoisie  of  the  present  day. 


14  SOCIALISM. 

In  1786  deputies  weVc  sent  to  Annapolis  to  "  revise  " 
the  Articles  of  Confederation.  These  articles  had  been 
agreed  upon  by  Congress  during  the  war  and  had  been 
found  sufficient  to  carry  it  through.  Now  the  bour- 
geoisie claimed  them  as  defective  and  insisted  upon  their 
revision,  really  meaning  to  take  advantage  of  the  oppor- 
tunity and  substitute  for  the  mere  fcdcralistlc  compact 
they  represented  a  more  centralized  form  of  government 
which  they  could  use  when  occasion  served  to  for- 
ward their  own  ends.  In  short,  they  proposed  to  nul- 
lify all  advance  gained  by  the  producing  classes  in  the 
revolution.  In  order  to  understand  how  far  this  nulli- 
fication went  let  us  examine  what  these  classes  had 
gained  : 

On  the  fourth  day  of  July,  1776,  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  was  issued.  That  document  joined  issue 
between  England  and  the  Colonics.  When  the  supreme 
arbitrament  of  war  rendered  judgment  in  favor  of  the 
rebels,  that  judgment  in  effect  established  the  Declara- 
tion as  the  truth,  gave  it  the  binding  force  of  statutory 
law.  Had  those  who  had  charge  of  the  legislative  ma- 
chinery established  to  carry  out  in  practice  the  principles 
whose  binding  force  had  thus  been  decided  in  theory, 
had  those  legislators  so  altered  conditions  as  to  enforce 
those  principles  — had  they  even  put  the  principles  into 
the  new  constitution,  we  o(  to-day  might  have  been  free 
men  instead  of  serfs. 

This  Declaration  announced  : 

44  We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident : — That  all 
men  arc  created//r<r  and  equal:  that  they  arc  endowed 
by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights :  that 
amongst  these  are  LIFE,  LIBERTY,  and  the  PURSUIT 
of  HAPPINESS.  That,  h  secure  these  rights,  govern- 
ments  arc  instituted  nine  .riving  their  Just  pow- 

ers from  the  consent  of  the  ^verned :  that,  whenever  any 
form  of  government  becomes  destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is 
the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  to  abolish  it,  and  to  insti- 
tute a  new  government,  laying  its  foundation  on  such 
principles,  and  organizing  its  powers  in  such  form  as  to 
them  shall  seem  most  likely  to  clfect  their  safety  and  happi* 
nessT 


SOCIALISM.  .  t< 

In  other  words  :  .^    .v. 

i.  That  all  men  are  created  free.  J'    •" 

2.  That  all  men  arc  created  with  equal  rights.         v 

3.  That  all  men  arc  endowed  hy  their  Creator  with 
the  right  of  life  ^and  the  means  of  living),  and  that  of 
this  right  even  they  themselves  cannot  divest  themselves. 

4.  That  all  men  arc  endowed  with  the  right  of  liberty, 
and  that  of  this  right  even  they  themselves  cannot  di- 
vest themselves. 

5.  That  all  men  arc  endowed  with  the  right  to  the 
pursuit  of  happiness. 

6.  That  il  governments  "  have  no  other  reason  than  to 
preserve  these  rights. 

7.  That  whenever  they  fail  to  do  so  the  people  have  a 
right  to  and  should  alter  or  abolish  them. 

3.  That  alter  such  destruction  of  a  false  government 
the  people  have  a  right  to  establish  any  form  of  govern- 
ment winch  may  seem  to  them  most  likely  to  give  them 
safety  and  happiness. 

These  eight  principles  were  the  issues  of  the  revolu- 
tionary war.  The  success  of  the  rebels  established  these 
declarations  as  truths.  Vet  not  one  of  them  is  to-day, 
cither  in  theory  or  fact,  the  governing  law  of  this  land  ! 

The  names  of  the  men  who  signed  this  remarkable 
declaration  ought  at  least  to  be  remembered  by  us. 
They,  together  with  the  sixteen  who  declined  to  sign 
the  Constitution  after  it  was  formulated,  comprise  all 
of  the  real  friends  of  the  people  among  the  leaders  of 
the  Revolution. 

The  names  are  these  : 

JOHN  H  AN  COCK. 

New  Hampshire. — Josiah  Bartlctt,  William  Whipple, 
Matthew  Thornton. 

Massachusetts  Jfay. — Samuel  Adams,  John  Adams, 
Robert  Treat  Paine,  Klbridgc  Gerry. 

tihode  Island, — Stephen  Hopkins,' William  EHery. 

Connecticut, — Roger  Sherman,  Samuel  Huntington, 
William  Williams,  Oliver  Wolcott. 

New  York.— William  Floyd,  Philip  Livingston,  Francis 
Lewis,  Lewis  Morris. 


r  - 


16  SOCIALISM, 

New  Jersey. — I^icha/d  Stockton,  John  Witherspoon, 
Francis  Hopkinson,  John  Hart,  Abraham  Clark. 

Pennsylvania. — Robert  Morris,  Hen  jam  in  Rush,  Benja- 
min Franklin,  John  Morton,  George  Clymcr,  James 
Smith,  George  Taylor.  James  Wilson,  George  Ross. 

Delaware. — Cscsar  Rodney,  George  Read,  Thomas 
McKean. 

Maryland. — Samuel  Chase,  William  Pacca,  Thomas 
Stone,  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrol lton. 

Virginia. — George  Wythe,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Thomas 
Jefferson,  Benjamin  Harrison,  Thomas  Nelson,  Jr., 
Francis  Lightfoot  Lee,  Carter  Braxton. 

North  Carolina. — William  Hooper,  Joseph  Ilcwcs, 
John  Pcnn. 

South  Carolina.-—  Edward  Rutlcdgc,  Thomas  I  Icy- 
wood,  Jr.,  Thomas  Lynch,  Jr.,  Arthur  Middle  tan. 

Georgia. — Button  Gwinnett,  Lyman  Hall,  George 
Walton. 

The  Convention  finding  that  the  bourgeoisie  were  rep- 
resented in  their  body  by  f,rty-fivc  members  and  the 
proletariat  by  but  sixteen,  seized  the  opportunity  bold- 
ly and  sat  with  closed  doors  and  in  secret  session.  At 
the  end  of  four  months  of  terrible  battle,  where  the  he- 
roic  sixteen  fought  desperately  but  hopelessly,  they 
brought  forth  the  first  seven  articles  of  our  present 
Constitution  and  submitted  it  to  the  States  for  ratifica- 
tion. 

The  sixteen  who  refused  to  sign  the  document  were 
these  : 

Eluridce  Gf.rry,  G forge  Wythe,  Caleb  Strong, 
Oliver  Ellsworth,  William  C.  Houston,  Roukkt 
Yates,  Luther  Martin,  John  F.  Mercer,  Jamks 
McClueg,  Alexander  Martin,  William  R.  Davie, 
William  Pierce,  Joan  Lansing,  William  Houston, 
George  Mason,  Edmund  Randolph. 

Then  the  battle  was  transferred  from  the  convention 
to  the  legislature?:  of  the  various  States.  Though  the 
bourgeoisie  hud  already  captured  these  strongholds  in 
some  of  the  States  and  had  the  press  almost  entirely 
upon  their  side,  yet  in  many  localities  the  proletariat 
made  gallant  struggles  against  it. 

Jefferson  wrote  against  it  from  France  that  it M  sounded 


SOC/stZ/SM.  .^7 

the  downfall  of  popular  government;  that  its  evident 
tendency  was  aristocratic  and  monarchical  ;  that  it  was 
framed  by  tho:>e  who  arc  desirous  of  drawing  over  us 
the  substance,  as  they  have  by  it  the  forms  of  the  British 
Government. 

Hancock  took  the  stump  against  it  in  Massachusetts 
where  it  was  only  carried  by  a  majority  of  nine. 

Patrick  Henry  led  the  campaign  against  it  in  Vir- 
ginia and  denounced  and  assailed  it  with  an  "elo- 
quence almost  unrivalled."  He  declared  "that  its 
adoption  would  be  a  counter-revolution  more  radical 
than  that  which  had  separated  America  from  Britain." 
"  In  the  warmth  of  debate,"  says  Bancroft,  "he  seemed 
even  to  threaten  resistance  if  the  document  were  adopted ; 
yet  at  last  declared  that  even  then  he  would  remain  a 
peaceful  citizen,  only  devoting  his  head,  his  hand,  and 
his  heart  to  obtain  redress  in  a  constitutional  (!)  manner." 
The  measure  was  carried  by  a  majority  of  only  eight. 

In  New  York  so  bitter  was  the  opposition  that  not- 
withstanding the  support  of  Jay,.  Hamilton,  and  Living- 
ston, it  was  only  carried  by  a  majority  of  five. 

No  sooner,  however,  was  it  adopted  than  the  storm 
gathered  over  the  heads  of  the  aristocratic  party. 

So  threatening  was  the  situation  that  they  became 
alarmed  and  hastened  to  add  the  first  ten  amendments, 
nine  of  which  are  for  the  protection  of  personal  lib- 
erty and  the  tenth  specifies  the  limit  of  federal  powers 
and  guarantees  all  powers  not  delegated  as  belonging 
to  the  people.  Vet  the  major  portion  of  these  amend- 
ments have  since  that  day  been  construed  and  legislated 
out  of  force. 


Thus  much,  for  the  attempt  to  build  a  social  change 
peaceably  upon  the  foundations  of  mere  political  lib- 
erty. 

Space  will  not  allow  here  the  needed  analysis  of  both 
Constitution  and  Amendments.  Suffice  it  now  to  say 
that  the  former  merely  constituted  a  limited  monarchy 
copied  after  that  of  England,  with  President  for  King, 
Senate  for  House  of  Lords,  and  the  lower  House  for 
that  of  the  Commons,  so  called. 
a 


-*••  .'_  .t- 1  rn*m* •»^»-««.  < 


98  SOCIALISM. 

Yet  the  President  tons  given  more  power,  than  the 
King  of  England  had,  the  Senate  more  than  the  House 
of  Lords.  In  the  Mother-land  the  Lords  were  so  by 
blood  ;  here  they  are  noble  by  wealth.  In  Britain  the 
Commons  hold  their  scats  by  virtue  of  their  control  of 
the  soil ;  here  the  House  of  Representatives  are  seized 
of  their  seats  because  of  their  control  of  "votes."  In 
both  cases  tyranny  over  and  robbery  of  the  producing 
classes  was  the  only  aim  and  is  the  sole  result. 


From  the  close  of  the  war  up  to  within  five  or  ten 
years  ago  the  producing  classes  of  the  Republic  were 
comparatively  well  oil.  It  is  true  that  in  all  these  years 
they  were  robbed  right  and  left,  but  so  great  were  the 
natural  resources,  so  plentiful  was  the  bounty  of  Nature, 
and  so  easy  was  acquisition  when  the  land  was  open  to 
all,  that  the  robbery  was  hardly  felt. 

Blessed  with  the  purse  of  Fortunatus,  the  worker  had 
no  desire  to  look  too  sharply  after  the  thieves  who  made 
his  pockets  their  own. 

As  the  population  grew  in  numbers  the  territory  ex- 
panded in  proportion,  thus  preventing,  until  within  late 
years,  the  monopoly  of  lands  which  precedes  that  of 
labor  and  exchange. 

In  1790  the  population  was  3,929,214,  distributed  over 
239,935  square  miles,  the  average  density  of  settlement 
being  16.4  to  the  mile. 

The  following  table  shows  the  status  of  population  to 
land  at  succeeding  decades  : 

Year.                                              Population.  Territory.  Density. 

1800 5.308,483  3°5,7°8  17.4 

1810 , 7,*39>881  407,945  *7-7 

1820. r 9,633,822  5o8»7*7  18.9 

1830 12,866,020  632,717  20.3 

1840 t 17,069,453  807,292  21. 1 

iy5° 23, 191,876  979'-49  23.7 

iS6° ; . .  31»443>32 «  1,194,754  26.3 

lS7° • S^.558,371  ',272,239  30.3 

x88o 5°,J55,783  ',5^9,570  32° 


SOCIALISM,  s  19 

The  rate  of  increase  of  population  is  so  great  that  it  is 
estimated  that  by  1890  the  average  density  will  reach  40 
to  the  mile. 

But  it  must  be  clearly  understood  that  these  figures 
do  not  by  any  means  show  that  the  pcopl:  own  the  soil 
nor  that  there  is  an  excess  of  population  over  and  above 
the  amount  of  land  necessary  for  their  support.  On  the 
contrary,  they  simply  show  that,  irrespective  of  any 
other  considerations,  the  land  is  more  difficult  of  access 
than  it  ever  was  before  and  that  this  divorcing  of  the 
people  from  the  soil  advances  in  intensity  in  an  arith- 
metical ratio. 

This  fact  would  be  brought  out  with  startling  dis- 
tinctness by  a  compilation  of  the  figures  showing  the 
relative  density  of  population  on  settled,  semi-settled, 
and  sparsely  inhabited  sections  at  the  end  of  each  de- 
cade, were  such  figures  obtainable.  Unfortunately  they 
are  not.  But  we  have  something  at  hand  which  serves 
the  purpose  nearly  as  well  : 

A  series  of  maps  which  accompany  the  last  census 
show  in  five  degrees  of  density  by  colors  (not  by  fig- 
ures) the  distribution  of  the  population  every  decade. 

An  inspection  of  them  shows  at  a  glance  that  land 
is  still  plentiful  and  the  population  even  yet  far  from 
being  a  crowded  one  ;  and  that  the  most  fertile  and 
valuable  lands  arc  the  most  sparsely  settled.  This  can 
mean  but  one  tiling:  the  holding  of  the  good  lands 
by  monopolists  cither  for  production  on  a  vast  scale 
under  the  wage  system  or  for  speculative  advance  in 
price. 

The  statistics  being  consulted  we  find  both  to  be  cor- 
rect ;  and  as  well  that  this  state  of  things  means  in 
plain  words  that  the  producer  has  been  barred  off  of 
the  land  and  the  first  step  toward  his  economic  slavery 
taken. 

It  is  a  fact  much  overlooked,  that  the  geniuses  of  the 
world  have  sprung  from  the  despised  proletariat.  And 
when  in  America  a  bourgeoisie  developed  from  the  pro- 
ducers it  was  not  strange  to  find  that  in  ability,  shrewd- 
ness, and  enterprise  it  much  surpassed  its  class  in  other 
lands.  Its  colossal  schemes,  the  daring  of  their  execu- 
tion, the   magnitude  of  the  results  prove  this  beyond  a 


s 


to  SOCIALISM. 

cavil.  Not*  surprising  is  it  then  to  find  that  America 
was  first  in  the  way  of  invention  of  improved  labor- 
saving  machinery  and  as  well  perfectly  competent  to 
secure  nearly  if  not  quite  a  monoply  of  its  results.  No 
need  to  detail  here  the  various  inventions  which  have 
replaced  the  toil  of  man  by  the  work  of  the  machine,  no 
need  to  particularize  the  various  branches  in  which  iron 
and  steam  fought  against  muscle  and  brawn  and  drove 
them  from  the  field.  The  story  is  well  known.  And  as 
well  is  it  known  how,  by  the  control  of  legislative 
powers,  the  trading  classes  secured  such  legislation  as 
enabled  them  to  hold  a  monopoly  of  these  new  instru- 
ments of  production  and  thus  to  add  the  second  link 
in  the  chain  welded  for  the  perfect  slavery  of  the 
workers. 

One  point  alone  remained  to  be  looked  after  in  order 
to  complete  the  chain — the  monopoly  of  the  medium 
of  exchange. 

Of  the  various  attempts  made  in  the  earlier  years  of 
our  history  to  secure  tins  monopoly,  I  have  not  here 
the  space  to  deal.  But  the  full  iniquity  was  not  per- 
petrated until  the  occurrence  of  the  war  of  the  Re- 
bellion, and  it  will  be  sufficient  to  brielly  examine  that 
period  alone. 

Not  content,  as  is  their  class  in  other  lands,  with  the 
use  of  the  money  of  the  Government  and  the  control 
over  it  by  means  of  interest,  here  in  America  the  bour- 
geoisie marie  a  bolder  stroke  for  power.  Not  content 
with  having  their  own  supplemental  currency  of  drafts, 
bills,  notes,  and  exchange,  they  aimed  at  and  secured 
from  the  Government  itself  the  right  of  issuing  the  gov- 
ernment money.  And  with  a  sublimity  of  impudence 
unsurpassed  in  the  world  they  made  the  Government 
pay  the  cost  of  such  issue  ! 

Having  urged  upon  tiic  Government  a  war  for  com- 
mercial aggrandisement  against  the  South,  the  sharp 
Yankee  traders  decided  in  Congress  assembled  that  the 
Government  was  unable  to  directly  issue  the  money 
required  for  its  prosecution.  Masquerading,  as  repre- 
sentatives of  the  whole  people,  they  then  offered  the 
credit  of  the  nation  for  sale  among  the  money  monger- 
crs  of  the  world.     Gold  rose  up  to  nearly  three  hundred 


SOCIALISM. 


ax 


per  cent,  above  par,  and  bonds  fell  to  twenty-five  per 
cent,  of  their  face  value,  this  face  value  being  fully  one 
hundred  per  cent.  less  than  actual  worth  when  we 
reckon  the  interest  subsequently  paid.  In  plain  terms, 
the  usurers  having  secured  a  monopoly  of  gold  coin,  by 
their  agents  in  Congress,  induced  the  Government  to 
derkre  that  this  metallic  medium  of  exchange  must 
serve  as  a  basis  for  all  other  money.  This  created  the 
demand  which  the  usurers  were  alone  able  to  supply. 
Of  course  they  filled  the  orders  at  their  own  price, 
getting  as  a  matter  of  fact  on  money  three  dollars 
for  one,  and  on  bonds  nearly  four.  Sec  the  econo- 
mic absurdity  of  the  whole  scheme.  The  usurer 
says  : 

"The  Government  cannot  issue  paper  promises  to  the 
people.  It  must  give  them  honest  gold  (which  we 
alone  have).  Hence  it  must  pay  us  our  price  for  our 
gold."  And  then  they  take  their  price  in  the  very 
paper  Which  they  said  could  not  be  issued ! 

This  job  gave  them,  during  the  continuance  of  the 
war,  a  complete  monopoly  of  the  money  market.  When 
the  war  closed  and  no  further  excuses  could  be  found 
for  borrowing  money,  the  National  Hank  swindle,  by 
which  the  issu  nee  of  money  was  transferred  directly  to 
the  hands  of  the  traders,  was  perpetrated.  This  gigan- 
tic monument  of  impudent  rascality  needs  only  to  be 
hastily  surveyed. 

A  capitalist  desires  to  get  something  for  nothing, 
lie  establishes  a  National  Hank.  He  has  $100,000. 
With  this  he  buys  $100,000  wortli  of  bonds,  goes  with 
them  to  Washington  and  deposits  them.  Upon  these 
bonds  the  Government  issues  to  him  ninety  per  cent, 
or  $90,000  in  currency  for  circulation.  Now  let  us  sec 
what  he  can  do. 

With  this  $00,000,  following  out  the  same  principle, 
we  will  say  that  he  buys  $90,000  worth  more  of  bonds 
and  deposits  ///<///,  receiving  upon  them  for  circulation 
ninety  per  cent,  of  their  value,  or  $81,000. 

He  continues  this  process  of  buying  bonds,  deposit- 
ing them,  receiving  ninety  per  cent,  of  their  value,  and 
again  purchasing  and  depositing  until  his  capital  is  ex- 
hausted. 


11 


SOCIALISM. 


The  figures  and  amounts  will  be  as  follows  : 


For 

Currency, 

$100,000  of  bonds  he  gets  $90,000 

00,000                ■ 

Bl.OOO                     * 

4                      81,000 

•            72.000    ! 

73,000                • 

•            65.610    > 

65,610                * 

•            59.049 

50.049                * 

4H.144 

48,144 

•            43.329 

43.329                ' 

38.996 

38.996                • 

35.096 

35.096                • 

1            31.586 

31.586 

•            28.427 

23.427                * 

25.584 

25.584 

*            33.025 

35.025 

*      •      20,723 

30.723                • 

♦            is.649 

18.640                • 

•            16.784 

16,784 

*            15.106 

15.106                • 

•        •    13.595 

12.236  .            * 

*            12.236 

•            11,01a 

11. 0:3               * 

•             0.911 

09' l                   ' 

•             8,919 

8.919 

1             8,027 

T.027                   ' 

•  .           7.224 

7.2*4     <           ' 

•             6.503 

6,503            ,  .  • 

5,853 

5.853 

•   ..         5.267 

5.267 

•          '    4.640 

4.640           '     • 

•       .   .    4.196 

4.196                • 

•      ,  .     3.776 

3.776         '       * 

3398 

3.393 

•    •  .       3.058 

3.C53 

•             2,753 

3.753                ■ 

2.377 

3,377                * 

•             2,139 

3.139                * 

•                  1.0^5 

1.925 

.   .       i.733 

1.733 

•                   1.560 

1.560                 ■ 

•                   1.404 

I.404 

•            .       1.264 

I.264           ~  ' 

*                   1.024 

For 

$1,024 
923 
830 

747 
673 
605 
545 
491 
.  443 
393 
358 
323 
200 
261 
.   335 

313 

191 
173 

155 

no 

126 

113 

103 

03 

83 

75 
63 
61 

55 
50 
45 

41 

37 
33 
30 
27 
24 

23 


Currency. 

of  bonds  he  gets  $933 
"        830 

747 
••  .  *  673 

••  *:      605 

,  545 
491 
443 

398 

353 

«•  2C/3 

♦•  26l 

"  335 

191 

m  •     x7a 

155 
N  140 

M  •    126 

113 

•I  02 

83 

75 
M  03 

*  61 

*  '  55 
50 
45 
41 
37 

,.      "     33 
30 

M  27 

M  a.| 

"  23 


1. 
•  1 


•  « 


$847,988,  total  value  of  the  bonds 
on  deposit  at  Washington. 


Now  he  has  on  deposit  $847,988  wortli  of  bonds,  on 
which  for  ten  years  he  receives  an  interest  of  $339,195. 
At  the  end  of  ten  years  he  draws  out  his  bonds,  redeems 
his  outstanding  circulation  and  pockets  his  fortune  of 
$335»I95  interest  received  on  an  original  investment  of 
$100,000 ! 

The  reason  that  he  don't  really  pursue  this  long- 
drawn-out  but  easy  way  of  making  a  fortune,  is  that  he 


SOCIALISM.  tfj 

can  make  the  fortune  easier  and  quicker  in  the  ordinary 
banking  business  with  the  first  capital  of  $90,000  whion 
he  received  for  his  bonds. 

Mow  he  docs  this  Mr.  William  Harrison  Riley  has 
lately  shown  in  these  plain  words  : 

"  On  every  '  National  Bank'  note  in  circulation  usury 
— 'interest' —  is  being  paid  to  the  bankers,  for  not  one 
of  the  notes  can  reach  the  people  except  through  the 
•(private)  bankers,  and  they  let  none  pass  without  usury. 
The  manufacturers  might  avoid  the- use  of  taxed  water, 
by  using  steam  power  ;  but  they  cannot  avoid  the  use 
of  taxed  money. 

"Explanation  is  needed  of  the  methods  by  which 
bankers  obtain  more  than  seven  or  even  one  hundred 
per  cent,  profit  per  annum  on  their  capital.  I  will  try 
to  explain  by  an  illustration.  To  begin  with,  a  banker 
deposits  in  the  United  States  Treasury  $100,000  in  gov- 
ernment bonds.  The  Government  then  gives  him  $90,- 
000  in  greenbacks,  and  yet  undertakes  to  pay.  him  three 
and  a  half  per  cent,  interest  on  the  deposit.  Thus  he 
will  receive  interest  on  the  whole  of  his  capital  of  $?oo,- 
ooo,  although  he  has  $90,000  of  the  amount  left  at  his 
disposal.  This  amount,  and,  say  $200,000  of  his  depos- 
itors' money,  he  will  soon  be  ready  to  lend.  Smith 
borrows  $2,000,  on  mortgage  security,  at  five  per 
cent,  per  annum.  The  same  <tay  he  pays  the  money  to 
Jones,  and,  before  the  close  of  the  day,  the  money,  that 
was  leni  for  a  year,  is  back  again  in  the  banker's  safe,  to 
be  lent  again  the  next  day,  at  five  per  cent,  per  annu m. 
Thus  the  banker  may  lend  the  same  $1,000  bill  fifty 
times  in  fifteen  months,  to  fifty  different  people,  and 
each  borrower  will  have  to  pay  for  a  year's  use  of  the 
same  money.  The  money  that  bankers  lend  for 'three 
months'  or  'a  year'  generally  returns  to  them  in  a  few 
hours,  to  be  lent  again  and  again. 

"The  currency  of  the,  nation  bears  'with  it  a  usurer's* 
burden,  not  of  five  per  cent,  only,  but  of  more  than  fifty 
per  cent,  per  annum.  For  the  privilege — the  right — of 
using  the  *  national  '  currency,  the  people  have  to  pay, 
every  year,  a  usurer's  tax  amounting  to  mere  than  half 
the  total  sum  of  the  currency. 

"  If  the  Government  will  persist  in  paying  interest  on 


14  SOCIALISM. 

Its  bonds,  then  It  should  treat  all  citizens  as  It  has 
hitherto  treated  bankers  exclusively.  .  Any  citizen 
should  be  entitled  to  deposit  bonds  and  receive  green- 
backs. Thus  a  citizen  could  deposit  a  hundred  dollar 
bond,  continue  to  receive  interest  on  it,  and  get  ninety 
dollars  in  greenbacks,//*^  of  interest,  when  he  deposited 
the  bond.  It  is  thus  that  bankers  are  treated.  Why 
has  the  Government  of  this  4  Republic '  determined  that 
money  lenders — usurers — shall  have  money  free  of  in* 
terest,  and  that  agriculturists,  manufacturers,  merchants, 
and  other  workers  shall  not  ?  " 


A  word  in  conclusion  as  to  the  result  which  must  in- 
evitably follow  the  future  development  of  the  competi- 
tive system  in  America. 

The  land  and  natural  resources  are  being  seized  by 
corporations  and  capitalists,  and  the  producer  will  be 
compelled  to  labor,  first  as  a  small  competitor,  then  as  a 
tenant,  and  finally  as  a  mere  wage-slave  for  a  subsistence- 
wage  only.    . 

The  instruments  of  production  arc  daily  growing 
more  complicated,  expensive,  and  powerful,  and  further 
removed  from  use  by  the  actual  producers  by  patent 
laws  and  legal  tricks  ;  by  the  power  of  combination  and 
merciless  competition  at  prices  below  cost,  the  bour- 
geoisie have  attained  and  will  firmly  hold  their  grasp  up- 
on these  machines;  it  has  even  now,  in  fact,  become  im- 
possible for  the  workers  to  use  them  except  by  paying 
a  tax  which,  when  deducted  from  their  earnings,  leaves 
but  the  subsistence-wage. 

The  medium  of  exchange  already  entirely  under  the 
control  of  the  non-producers,  subject  only  to  a  tax  from 
the  Government,  is  already  being  freed  from  even  this 
slight  burden.  By  thousands  of  firms  to-day  the  work- 
men are  mainly  paid  in  orders  upon  the  "company- 
stores"  instead  of  in  cash,  and  upon  a  scheme  so  closely 
calculated  as  to  not  only  leave  the  toiler  but  the  barest 
subsistence- wage,  but  as  well  each  year  to  grind  doton  his 
standard  of  living  to  a  luiuer  point.  } 

.    Contemporaneous  with  the  proletariat  being  thus  re- 


SOCIALISM.  S$ 

duced  to  absolute  slavery  on  the  most  miserable  and 
degraded  plane  of  existence,  the  operation  of  the  system 
Will  drive  the  small  trader  out  of  business  and  into  the 
wage-worker's  ranks  ;  it  will  then  attack  those  of  the 
bourgeoisie  who  have  a  little  more  and  force  them  down 
in  the  same  manner.  Then  the  competition  which  has 
prevailed  among  the  spoilers  themselves  will  be  re- 
placed by  combination,  to  fix  prices  of  products  at  still 
higher  figures. 

That  this  combination  is  even  now  going  on  to  a  most 
startling  extent  the  evidence  of  President  Gowen,  of  the 
Reading  Railroad — when  he  was  defending  that  company 
in  1875,  before  a  committee  of  the  Pennsylvania  Legis- 
lature, for  having  taken  part  in  the  combination  of  the 
coal  companies  to  cure  the  evil  of  "  too  much  coal"  by 
putting  tip  the  prices  and  cutting  down  the  amount  of 
sales — conclusively  shows.  He  pleaded  that  there  were 
fifty  trades  in  which  the  same  thing  was  done.  He  had 
a  list  of  them  to  show  the  committee,  and  in  presenting 
it,  this  is  what  he  had  to  say  : 

v  "  Every  pound  of  rope  we  buy  for  vessels  or  for  our 
mines  is  bought  at  a  price  fixed  by  the  committee  of 
rope  manufacturers  of  the  United  States.  Every  keg  of 
nails,  every  package  of  tacks,  all  our  screws,  our  wrenches 
and  hinges,  the  boiler  Hues  of  our  iocomotives  arc  never 
bought  except  at  the  price  fixed  by  the  mills  that  man- 
ufacture them.  Iron  beams  for  your  houses  or  your 
bridges  can  only  be  had  at  the  prices  agreed  upon  by  a 
combination  of  those  that  produce  them.  Fire  bricks, 
gas-pipes,  terra-cotta  pipes  for  drainage,  every  keg  of 
powder  we  buy  to  blast  coal  are  purchased  upon  the 
same  arrangement.  Every  pane  of  window  glass  in  this 
house  was  bought  at  a  scale  of  prices  established  in  the 
same  manner.  White  lead,  galvanized  sheet  iron,  hose, 
bolting  and  files,  are  bought  and  sold  at  a  rate  deter- 
mined in  the  same  way." 

A  little  thought  will  show  that  all  attempts  to  raise 
the  wages  or  reduce  the  hours  of  toil  of  the  producer 
are  useless,  since  they  are  defeated  by  the  inevitable  rise 
in  the  prices  enforced  from  the  consumer. 


26  SOCIALISM. 

Since  1875  the  progress  of  combination  has  increased 
as  docs  the  velocity  of  a  falling  body.  The  inhabitants 
of  every  locality  can  call  to  mind  instances  so  notorious 
as  to  satisfy  even  the  most  doubting  mind. 

These  things  are  prophetic,  because  of  the  rapidity  of 
their  development,  of  the  day  when  the  people  will  rise 
in  armed  rebellion  seeking  a  remedy.  For  pauperiza- 
tion entirely  enslaves  only  when  it  is  gradual  ;  when  it 
is  rapid  it  strikes  off  the  fetters. 

When  the  rising — which  will  be  one  of  blind,  wrathful, 
ignorant  producers— comes,  then  must  the  Socialists  of 
America  be  prepared  to  unfurl  the  scarlet  Hag  and  with 
it  in  hand,  head  the  assault  as  the  leaders  of  the  people, 
pointing  out  to  them  not  only  their  wrongs  but  their 
only  salvation  :    "  Free  land,  free  tools,  and  free  money !  '* 

Burnette  G.  Haskell. 

San  Francisco,  Cal.,  September  1,  1884. 


.1  ■>-..:•■'■■ 


,1 1 


(  •.-.«.-    J  .  .       .      ! 


.  •  »  •      f 


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SOCIALISM. 


i     .  -  „     *%. 


CHAPTER  I.        - 
WHAT  SOCIALISM   REALLY  IS.    ... 

What  is  Socialism  ? 

Should  its  doctrines  be  suppressed  or  propagated  ? 

In  order  to  decide  intelligently  and  justly,  it  will  be 
necessary  to  ascertain  the  meaning  of  the  word  "Social- 
ism," and  afterward  examine  its  doctrines  without  preju- 
dice. If,  after  thorough,  careful,  and  honest  investiga- 
tion, it  is  found  that  these  doctrines  tend  to  degrade, 
impoverish,  and  make  men  unhappy,  to  encourage  idle- 
ness, licentiousness,  and  crime,  then  the  verdict  of 
"guilty"  should  be  found  and  published  everywhere, 
the  doctrines  discouraged,  and  iis  disciples  treated  as 
knaves  or  fools.  But  if,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  proven 
that  its  doctrines  have  a  diametrically  opposite  tendency, 
viz.:  to  make  men  wiser,  better,  more  industrious,  thrifty, 
honest,  intelligent — to  level  up  instead  of  levelling  down, 
to  raise  instead  of  lowering  the  standard  of  manhood,  to 
foster  peace  instead  of  war,  to  give  libertv,  equality,  and 
fraternity  to  all — then  should  its  doctrines  be  made  known 
as  the  new  and  better  gospel  of  brighter  light,  broader 
liberty  and  more  perfect  justice  ;  theft  should  its  disci- 
ples' be  encouraged  and  aided  as  the  benefactors  of  man- 
kind, who,  possessed  of  a  faith,  proclaim  it  without  hope 
of  reward,  and  in  the  plainest  of  plain  words  as  well 

Definition  of  Socialism. 

Webster  defined  Socialism  to  be  Ma  better  find  more 
just  system  of  government." 
Socialism  proper  is  the  political  branch  of  the  science 


aS  SOCIA/JSAT. 

of  sociology,  and  deals  with  man  as  a  social  being1,  his 
relation  to  society,  and  the  methods,  customs,  or  laws  of 
his  association,  which  laws  and  usages  are  summed  up 
in  the  word  "government."  Hence,  the  chief  province 
of  Socialism  would  be  to  ascertain  what  system  of  gov- 
ernment will  bring  the  greatest  amount  of  happiness 
consistent  with  the  highest  possible  moral,  intellectual, 
and  physical  development. 

What  Socialism  Proposes. 

Socialism  proposes  to  abolish  the  system  of  wages- 
slavery,  and,  instead,  establish  governmental  co-opera- 
tion for  production  and  distribution. 

Socialism  proposes  to  secure  to  every  person  who  la- 
bors the  full  equivalent  of  his  labor,  partly  in  personal 
remuneration,  and  partly  in  social  and  public  benefits, 
such  as  education,  recreation,  transportation,  communi- 
cation, and  the  best  possible  sustenance  and  care  in  sick- 
ness and  old  age — not  as  a  charity,  but  as  a  debt  that  so- 
ciety owes  to  every  useful  citizen. 

Socialism  would  perfect  the  educational  system  by 
entirely  abolishing  the  present  lack  of  system.  The 
State  would  educate  every  child  thoroughly,  and,  as  they 
advanced,  give  them  an  opportunity  to  master  any  sci- 
ence, art,  or  mechanical  pursuit  for  which  their  tastes  or 
abilities  adapted  them. 

Hence  there  would  be  no  uncongenial  pursuits  or  em- 
ployments, as  each  would  choose  that  in  which  he  would 
be  most  likely  to  excel.  Hence  there  would  be  very 
few  bad  mechanics,  unskilled  workers,  or  quacks  at  any- 
thing. 

Socialism  proposes  scientific,  intelligent,  enlightened 
government,  or  free  co-operation  on  the  basis  of  liberty, 
equality,  fraternity,  and  solidarity. 

Socialism  proposes  to  stop  the  wastes  of  society  by 
having  none  of  its  members  uselessly  employed  or  idle, 
and  by  turning  the  great  army  of  non-producers  into  a 
brotherhood  of  useful  producers. 

Socialism  proposes  to  have  more  workers,  and  less 
work  for  each. 

Socialism  proposes  that  labor  shall  be  a  noble,  health- 


SOCIALISM,  29 

ftil,  and  elevating  duty,  not  an  unhealthy,  degrading,  and 
slavish  drudgery. 

Socialism  proposes  that  machinery  shall  do  the  world's 
work,  and  that  the  whole  people  shall  own  such  machin- 
ery, and  reap  the  full  benefits  thereof,  individually  and 
collectively,  not  as  at  present,  when  machinery  is  owned 
only  by  wealthy  individuals  and  corporations,  and  oper- 
ated to  the  degradation  of  the  human  machines  who  at- 
tend thehi. 

Socialism  proposes  that  all  the  natural  elements  and 
sources  of  wealth  shall  be  preserved  and  developed  by  the 
people  for  the  common  good. 

Socialism  proposes  that  the  cultivation  of  land  is  the 
sole  title  to  its  occupancy  ;  that  the  soil  is  common  prop- 
erty, the  improvements  belong' to  the  individual;  that 
as  fast  as  practicable  and  consistent  with  individual  lib- 
erty, the  government  should  resume  title  to  all  land,  and 
cultivate  it  in  large  domains  to  the  best  advantage,  by 
the  most  improved  machinery,  and  the  raising  of  only 
such  crops  as  are  best  adapted  to  the  soil,  climate,  sea- 
son, etc. 

Socialism  advocates  the  doctrine  that  the  fact  of  exist- 
ence proves  the  right  to  life  ;  the  right  to  life  carries 
with  it  the  right  to  enjoy  life  ;  the  right  to  enjoy  life  in- 
cludes the  highest  possible  enjoyment,  with  all  the  means 
that  minister  to  that  end,  so  that  nothing  that  art  or  na- 
ture can  produce  is  too  good,  or  should  be  without  the 
reach  of  any  useful  citizen  who  contributes  his  quota  to 
the  commonwealth.  No  food,  no  education,  no  clothes, 
no  house  or  other  article  of  necessity  or  luxury  is  too 
rich  or  costly  for  any  useful  worker,  however  humble  in 
the  estimation  of  himself  or  of  his  fellows. 

Socialism  advocates  the  destruction  and  utter  extinc- 
tion of  all  emperors,  kings,  princes,  nobles,  and  tyrants, 
crowned  or  uncrowned,  titled  or  untitled — no  figure- 
heads, and  no  castes. 

Socialism  advocates  that  the  time  and  service  of  one 
man  is  equal  ultimately  to  the  time  and  service  of  any 
other  man  ;  hence  the  nearest  approach  to  exact  justice 
is  equal  pay  for  equal  time  and  expenditure  of  equal  en- 
ergy. 

Socialism  advocates  the  abolition  of  all  war,  the  pacifi- 


jo  SOCIALISM. 

# 

cation  and  unification  of  all  races  and  countries  for  mu- 
tual benefit. 

Kings  and  capitalists  make  war  and  discord  ;  war  and 
discord  keep  men  disunited  ;  disunion  and  inharmony 
prevent  all  reform,  upward  tendency,  and  higher  devel- 
opment. 

Socialism  would  abolish  poverty  by  preventing  it  by 
removing  its  causes.  As  poverty  is  the  cause  directly 
or  indirectly  of  nearly  all  crime,  therefore,  by  the  abo- 
lition of  poverty,  crime  would  become  almost  unknown, 
and  with  crime  would  disappear  all  the  lice,  leeches, 
vampires,  and  vermin  that  fatten  on  its  filth  ;  such  as  the 
entire  legal  fraternity,  soldiers,  police,  spies,  judges, 
sheriffs,  priests,  preachers,  quack  doctors,  etc.,  etc.    v 

Socialism  would  have  money  based  on  labor  performed, 
and  therefore  represent  some  tangible  wealth  or  benefit 
to  society. 

The  man,  therefore,  who  labored  would  have  money 
or  labor  notes  to  the  amount  of  service  he  had  rendered. 
If  he  performed  no  useful  work,  lie  would  have  no 
money,  hence  no  food.  On  the  other  hand,  the  man 
who  had  more  money  than  he  haft  labored  for  could 
readily  be  detected  and  deprived  of  that  which  belonged 
to  some  one  else. 

Under  a  socialistic  system,  extremes  of  poverty  and 
wealth  in  the  hands  of  individuals  could  not  exist. 

The  people,  in  their  collective  capacity,  would  own 
and  control  all  the  surplus  wealth  of  the  nation  or  com- 
munity. 

Socialism  Advocates  Evolution  and  Revolution. 

Socialism  advocates  the  complete  emancipation  and 
elevation  of  woman  to  the  highest  plane  of  social,  moral, 
and  intellectual  greatness  which  it  is  possible  for  her  to 
attain  through  her  own  efforts  and  the  most  favorable 
conditions. 

It  advocates  that  she  shall  have  equal  opportunities 
with  men  to  follow  anv  profession,  art,  or  industry,  for 
which  her  education,  taste,  and  skill  may  fit  her;  and 
that  for  equal  time  and  service  she  shall  have  equal 
honor  and  reward  with  men. 


SOCIALISM.  3X 

Socialism  advocates  evolution  and  revolution  to  ac- 
complish the  necessary  and  beneficent  changes  in  our 
social  system. 

Evolution,  from  <*,  out,  and  voht\  to  roll  or  unfold ; 
hence  a  natural  and  gentle  unfoldment  by  education 
from  the  lowest  to  the  highest  conditions  of  human  de- 
velopment. 

Revolution,  from  rf9  back,  nndtWrv,  to  roll  ;  hence  a 
rolling  or  turning  back  ;  a  turning  upside  down  ;  sud- 
den or  convulsive  change. 

Evolution  and  revolution  are  but  different  phases  in 
the  same  process  of  development. 

The  unfolding  of  a  rose  and  the  upheaval  of  a  conti- 
nent are  equally  natural,  but  while  the  rose  impercep- 
tibly passes  through  all  the  stages  of  development,  from 
smallest  bud  to  broadest  bloom  in  one  short  season,  it 
takes  ages  to  mature  the  continent  before  the  sudden 
catastrophe  of  an  earthquake  brings  on  the  birth-pangs 
of  the  sea,  and  a  new  land  is  born. 

Similarly,  an  individual  or  small  community  may  be- 
come highly  developed  in  one  or  a  few  generations,  and 
the  process  may  be  so  quiet  and  natural,  that  it  is 
scarcely  perceived  ;  but  to  educate,  develop,and  emanci- 
pate the  entire  human  race  lias  taken  ages  of  time,  and 
almoit  infinite  labor,  and  yet  the  process  is  far  from 
being  complete  ;  so  far,  indeed,  that  comparatively  few 
arc  sufficiently  advanced  to  anticipate  the  impending 
crisis,  the  birth-pangs  that  will  bring  forth  a  new  and 
better  manhood. 

Evolution  is  a  creative,  a  formative,  a  maturing  pro- 
cess, by  easy  and  imperceptible  stages.  It  is  nn  educa- 
tional, logical,  and  positive  process,  necessarily  slow,  but 
as  sure  as  fate.  Evolution  is  absolutely  necessary  to  per- 
fection and  permanence,  therefore  we  advocate  it ;  but 
wc  believe  also  in  revolution  if  the  necessity  arises. 
The  shell  must  be  broken  for  the  weak  bird.     When  the 

Erocess  of  evolution  is  complete,  every  barrier  must  be 
urst,  every  obstacle  surmounted,  every  impediment 
overcome,  to  establish  the  regime  of  natural  justice, 
absolute  liberty,  perfect  equality,  even  though  a  few  in- 
dividuals or  cherished  institutions  may  perish — the  vic- 
tims of  their  own  prejudice  and  folly. 


1 


*mt0m^0^i  ww 


3a  SOCIAUSM. 

We  have  written  thus  far  in  a  brief  and  general  way 
of  the  objects  and  doctrines  of  Socialism,  for  we  believe 
that  if  the  American  people  were  rightly  informed  on 
the  subject,  they  would  accept  and  adopt  its  tenets  ;  and 
such  is  their  natural  love  of  liberty  and  justice  that 
they  could  scarcely  wait  for  the  necessary  constitutional 
changes  in  their  impatience  to  put  its  doctrines  into 
practical  operation  ;  but,  unfortunately  for  the  cause  of 
truth  and  right,  they  have  been  misinformed  on  the  sub- 
ject, and  prejudiced  against  it  by  the  press,  the  pulpit, 
and  politicians,  who  never  mention  it  but  with  a  sneer 
and  to  calumniate;  however,  we  are  not  surprised  at 
this,  as  Socialism  is  the  implacable  foe  of  idleness  and 
crime,  hypocrisy,  Ignorance,  and  untruth,  and  without 
these  vices  to  fatten  on,  the  three  "  P's  "  would  become 
lean  indeed  ;  they  know  furthermore  that,  under  a  social- 
istic state,  they  would  be  compelled  to  do  something 
useful  and  honorable  for  a  living. 

What  the   Three  " P's"  Say. 

The  press  is  the  modern  institution  of  secular  knowl- 
edge, the  teacher  and  leader  in  the  world  of  intellect. 

For  the  most  part  it  is  silent  on  Socialism  and  all 
phases  of  a  reformatory  and  radical  character.  When  it 
is  forced  to  acknowledge  the  existence  of  Socialism,  it 
says  it  is  retrogressive,  impractical,  pulls  down  but  never 
builds,  divides  up  what  is,  but  adds  nothing  to  the  world's 
wealth;  it  is  communistic,  agrarian,  a  cut-purse  and  a 
cut-throat.  It  says  that  the  Socialists  propose  to  plun- 
der those  that  have  the  good  things  of  this  life,  and  di- 
vide the  spoils  among  those  who  have  nothing  ;  that  they 
intend  to  abolish  all  property,  so  that  no  one  will  have 
anything  to  call  his  own;  that  they  advocate  such  an 
equality  that  the  lazy  and  vicious  will  have  the  same 
abundance  and  happiness  as  the  virtuous  and  indus- 
trious. 

The  pul'pit  is  the  teacher,  leader,  and  censor  of  morals, 
the  spiritual  counsellor  and  guide  of  men.  It  takes  up 
the  charges  of  the  press,  and  reiterates  them,  adding  its 
own  peculiar  venom,  the  condemnation  of  men  and  the 
damnation  of  God. 


SOCIALISM.  33 

It  advises  the  poor  to  be  content  with  poverty  here ; 
in  heaven  there  is  plenty  for  all.  To  wear  the  tyrant's 
chains  on  earth,  and  thereby  earn  the  freedom  of  the 
skies.  To  submit  without  murmuring  to  injustice,  in- 
sult, oppression,  degradation,  and  even  death,  on  the 
transparent  fraud,  that  full  compensation  will  be  made 
in  the  land  of  the  Hereafter. 

Socialists  arc  denounced  as  immoral,  impious  infidels, 
discontented,  rebellious  enemies  of  God  and  of  their 
fellows. 

Politics  is  supposed  to  lie  the  great  conservator  of 
society,  the  teacher  and  leader  in  governmental  and  so- 
cial matters.  The  politician  knows  nothing  of  Social- 
ism ;  but,  like  all  ignorant  and  self-conceited  villains, 
takes  \\\\  and  transmits  the  howl  of  the  press  and  pulpit, 
adding  the  peculiar  mistiness  of  his  class  :  "Thev  want 
to  burst  up  your  party."  M  It's  a  price  club  ;  you  look 
out  for  them  when  election  time  comes."  "  You  can 
get  all  the  reforms  you  want  if  you  vote  our  ticket." 
"  You  can  ameliorate  your  condition  through  politics." 
"  Go  to  the  primaries."  M  Join  your  ward  clubs."  "  The 
Socialists  are  damned  fools  or  damned  thieves  ;  they 
want  to  divide  up  everything."  **it  is  rule  or  ruin 
with  them."     "They  have  no  following." 

With  such  recommendations  from  the  three  most  in- 
fluential and  intelligent  institutions  of  modern  times,  it 
is  no  wonder  that  Socialism  is  not  only  misunderstood 
l)ti t  abhorred  as  an  unholy  thing  ;  but  the  press,  the  pul- 
pit, and  the  politician  knowingly,  wilfully,  meanly,  and 
maliciously  misrepresent  and  malign  Socialism  ;  for 
they  know  very  well  that  if  it  was  successful  their  oc- 
cupations would  be  gone  ;  then  the  press  would  have 
no  monopolists  to  purchase  and  pay  it  for  lying  ;  and, 
as  ninety  per  cent,  of  all  crime  would  be  abolished  by  a 
more  equal  distribution  of  the  world's  wealth,  no  one 
would  keep  a  greasy  prie-st  in  lazy  luxury  for  the  pur- 
pose of  retailing  stale  and  gauzy  lies.  As  for  the  poli- 
tician, the  people  would  be  too  intelligent  and  well  in- 
formed for  this  low  thief  to  bamboozle  them  any  longer. 

3 


34  SOCIALISM. 


CHAPTER  II. 

OUR  FIRST  REVOLUTIONARY  PROPOSAL. 

Abolish  both  the  Presidency  and  the  Senate, 

Onk  of  the  first  steps  to  be  taken  is  to  obtain  a  true 
representative  government  of,  by,  and  for  all  the  people. 

To  this  end  all  heads  of  governments,  us  now  existing,. 
must  be  abolished,  such  as  emperors,  kings,  presidents, 
and  governors,  and  with  them  must  disappear  nil  upper 
or  unrepresentative  houses  or  chambers  of  legislation, 
which  were,  it  would  seem,  invented  for  the  sole  pur- 
pose of  preventing  popular  legislation,  and  to  impede 
the  will  of  the  people. 

But,  you  ask  in  great  dismay,  would  Socialists  then 
abolish  the  Presidency  and  Senate  of  the  United  States 
— the  two  most  important  branches  of  government  cre- 
ated by  the  founders  of  the  Republic,  and  provided  for 
in  the  Constitution  ? 

To  which  we  reply  most  emphatically  :  Yes  ;  they 
would  be  among  the  first  changes  made. 

The  President  is  at  best  but  a  figure-head,  more  orna- 
mental than  useful  ;  he  is  a  king  with  change  of  name, 
and  possesses  more  than  kingly  powers,  patronage,  and 
prerogatives. 

The  recent  veto  of  the  bill  restricting  Chinese  immi- 
gration against  the  will  of  the  people,  as  expressed 
through  their  representatives  in  Congress,  demonstrates 
the  dangers  that  threaten  the  destruction  of  a  republican 
form  of  government,  by  the  exercise  of  the  one-man 
power,  and  reminds  the  people  of  the  dangers  that  may, 
in  the  near  future,  arise  to  convert  this  Republic  into 
the  worst  form  of  a  despotic  oligarchy,  administered  in 
the  interest  of  a  minority  (the  aristocracy  of  wealth)  to 
the  enslavement  of  the  majority  (the  producers  <»f 
wealth). 

Under  the  present  representative  svstcm  no  man  of 
any  party  can  possibly  be  elected  President  who  will 
not  submit  to  be  bought,  bullied,  or  cajoled  by  the  rail- 


SOCIALISM.  •  35 

roads,  the  banks,  the  laud-grabbers,  the  factory  tyrants, 
Chinese  mandarins,  or  the  politicians. 

The  veto  of  the  Chinese  Bill  is  but  one  of  the  many 
acts  whereby  the  will  of  the  people  is  defied. 

The  President  can,  and  does,  annul  the  decisions  of 
courts  and  juries  by  pardoning  convicted  criminals;  and 
seldom,  if  ever,  extending  the  pardoning  power  to  pro- 
tect the  innocent,  as  was  the  original  intention  of  such 
prerogative. 

Your  attention  is  also  directed  to  the  appointing  power, 
whereby  the  President  selects  the  heads  of  departments 
and  their  subordinates,  numbering  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  voters,  interested  in  maintaining  the  existing 
administration,  however  corrupt  or  imbecile,  ami  also 
creating  rings,  factious,  and  partisan  advisers,  who  peddle 
out  the  offices  tu  incompetent  and  vicious  persons,  there- 
bv  producing  a  class  of  professional  office-seekers. 
Therefore,  why  have  a  President,  if  he  possesses  the 
power  to  nullify  the  expressed  will  of  the  people  ?  Hence 
abolish  the  Presidency. 

The  Senate  is  not  chosen  by  the  people,  but  by  legis- 
lators, who  are  in  the  main  corrupt  tools  and  creatures 
of  monopolists,  who  dictate  their  nomination  and  secure 
their  election,  in  order  to  pass  laws  in  their  interest — 
the  olhce  of  United  Slates  Senator  bcingsold  to  persons 
having1  the  most  money  to  purchase  a  majority  of  votes, 
as  has  recently  been  the  case  in  Nevada  and  other  States. 
.  As  a  proof  that  the  Senate  does  not  represent  the  will 
of  the  people,  the  vote  cast  on  the  Chinese  Bill  in  the 
Senate  shows  that  it  was  passed  by  a  very  small  major- 
ity ;  while  the  vote  in  the  House  showed  a  large  major- 
ity, thus  demonstrating  the  fact  that  the  House  better 
understands  and  expresses  the  popular  voice. 

What  is  true  of  the  Chinese  Hill  is  the  history  of  all 
legislation  intended  to  benefit  the  masses. 

The  Senate  should,  therefore,  be  abolished,  and  the 
affairs  of  government  delegated  to  one  house  of  repre- 
sentatives, chosen  directly  by  the  people,  without  the 
intervention  of  party  politics  or  corrupt  nominating 
conventions,  ami  without  regard  to  State  or  local  boun- 
dary lines. 

The  choice  of  the  people  should  be  obtained  through 


.•v 


36  SOC/A/JSM. 

an  improved  and  equitable  system   of  representation, 
known  as  *'  proportional  representation." 

What  has  been  said  in  relation  to  the  Presidency  ap- 
plies with  equal  truth  and  force  to  Governors  and  State 
Senates  ;  hence  abolish  them  also. 

The  Ifonse  of  Representatives, 

The  House  of  Representatives  should  be  what  the 
name  implies,  the  people's  representation,  and  not  the 
master,  and  should  consist  of  about  five  hundred  members, 
or  one  for  every  100,000  inhabitants  of  the  United  States. 

Candidates  should  be  selected  regardless  of  local  or 
provincial  boundary  lines,  and  every  person  receiving 
one  five-hundredths  (1-500)  of  all  the  votes  cast  to  be 
declared  elected.  Thus,  suppose  there  are  5,000,000 
qualified  voters  in  the  United  States,  and  500  Represen- 
tatives to  be  chosen,  each  candidate  receiving  10,000 
votes  would  be  entitled  to  be  a  Representative. 

Referendum. 

The  duty  of  the  House  of  Representatives  would  bcthe 
classification  and  preparation  of  such  import  laws  as  have 
been  previously  drafted  and  presented,  embodying  the 
views  of  any  class  or  party  upon  such  legislation  as  they 
may  desire,  and  the  submission  of  the  same  atMated  times 
to  a  vote  of  the  whole  people  for  their  ratification  or 
rejection  ;  all  laws  to  be  voted  upon  by  sections,  and 
should  a  majority  of  all  votes  cast  npprove  of  the  laws 
submitted  to  them,  said  laws  should  be  considered  as 
legal  and  binding. 

Should  the  people  desire  to  repeal  any  law,  the  ques- 
tion should  be  submitted  to  a  vote  in  a  similar  manner. 
This  submission  of  all  laws  to  the  people  for  their  ap- 
proval or  disapproval  is  what  is  known  as  the  Referendum, 
a  system  at  present  prevailing  in  the  Swiss  Republic. 

Imperative  Mandate. 

By  the  Imperative  Mandate  is  meant  that  the  repre- 
sentative officers  or  servants  chosen  should  serve  so  long 
as  they  performed  their  duties   and  conformed   to  the 


SOCIALISM*  37 

instructions  given  them,  which  instructions  should  be 
imperative,  and  carried  out  in  the  Utter  and  spirit ;  upon 
failure  to  perform  the  functions  of  office,  or  otherwise  do 
as  directed,  the  Representatives  or  agents  should  be  re- 
called by  a  vote  of  the  party  whose  views  they  were 
elected  to  represent,  and  others  chosen  by  the  same 
party  to  fill  the  vacancies,  and  the  persons  so  recalled 
should  be  immediately  indicted,  tried,  and  punished 
with  the  utmost  rigor  if  found  guilty. 

Special  care  should  be  exercised  in  electing  the 
House  of  Representatives,  so  that  not  only  wilt  the 
whole  people  be  represented,  but  also  every  useful 
trade,  profession,  and  industry  ;  not  as  at  present,  when 
tin:  national  legislature  is  composed  almost  exclusively 
of  lawyers,  bankers,  capitalists,  and  the  paid  agents  and 
attorneys  of  monopolists  and  legalized  robbers  generally. 
State  and  municipal  governments  are  similarly  consti- 
tuted, and  should  undergo  a  like  regeneration. 

livery  citizen  should  take  the  same  interest  in  poli- 
tics as  lie  would  in  a  joint-stock  company  or  other  busi- 
ness enterprise,  on  the  success  of  which  his  well-being 
depended.  By  politics,  in  this  connection,  we  mean 
scientific  government,  order,  and  development,  not  the 
politics  of  bread-and-butter  scheming  and  wire-pulling 
which  at  present  prevails. 

Under  the  new,  the  higher,  and  the  better  social  state, 
every  citizen  should  belong  to  a  club  or  organization, 
where  all  matters  of  public  interest  would  be  discussed, 
and  the  result  of  these  deliberations  drafted  into  simple 
laws,  where  any  necessity  existed  for  more  law  ;  copies 
could  be  sent  to  all  other  clubs  or  groups  in  that 
community  or  State,  and  laws  so  drafted  and  circulated 
should  be  submitted  to  a  general  vote  once  a  year,  and 
all  laws  receiving  a  majority  of  votes  cast  would  be  in- 
corporated into  common  law,  until  repealed  by  a  two- 
thirds  majority.  Care,  however,  should  be  taken  that . 
each  law  dealt  only  with  one  specific  subject,  and,  if 
containing  more  than  one  section,  to  be  voted  on,  not 
as  a  whole,  but  by  sections.  This  precaution  would  pre- 
vent the  introduction  of  M  little  jokers,"  as  the  people 
could  indorse  only  the  beneficial,  and  reject  the  bad, 
without  necessarily  rejecting  the  whole. 


38  SOCr.ifJSM.     . 

As  the  law-making  is  done  .it  present,  nothing  could 
be  more  unwise,  unjust,  or  demoralizing. 

We  elect  men  to  make  laws  for  us. 

What  kind  of  men  ? 

The  very  worst,  lowest,  and  meanest  that  society  can 
produce. 

What  kind  of  laws  do  they  make  for  us  ? 

The  very  opposite  of  what  we  want. 

What  are  we  going  to  do  about  it  ? 

Under  the  present  system,  absolutely  nothing,  except 
to  grin  and  bear  it.  We  have  no  legal  remedy,  and  we 
arc  too  cowardly  to  apply  a  natural,  speedy,  and  effective 
remedy,  viz. :  to  hang  every  one  of  them.  The  amusing 
absurdity  of  the  matter  is,  that  not  only  can  we  not  dis- 
charge them,  or  in  any  matter  get  rid  of  them,  but  we  must 
pay  them  larger  salaries  than  any  useful  mechanic  gets, 
not  for  services  rendered,  but  for  the  most  infamous  in- 
gratitude, the  grossest  injustice,  and  the  greatest  injury 
in  the  power  of  man  to  indict,  viz.  :  to  deprive  us  of  lib- 
erty. 

What  beneficial  society  or  other  organization  would 
elect  a  committee  and  pay  them  high  wages,  and  then 
have  this  committee  frame  laws  and  perform  acts  the  very 
opposite  of  that  which  was  expected  from  them  ?  What 
society  would  divorce  itself  from  all  control  over  com- 
mittees, or  a  deciding  vote  on  their  acts,  or  would  not 
punish  or  dismiss  for  neglect  of  duty  on  the  part  of  any 
member  of  its  committee  ?  How  much  more  should  it 
punish  and  degrade  any  of  its  appointees  who  would 
sell  the  organization  to  its  enemies,  betray  its  secret 
work,  slander  its  principles,  abuse  its  membership,  and 
defy  its  power  ? 

No  individual  organization  would  tolerate  any  such 
proceeding  on  the  part  of  its  members,  particularly  those 
whom  it  had  honored  and  rewarded. 

Hut  are  not  the  interests,' honor,  stability,  and  welfare 
of  society  as  a  whole  greater  than  those  of  any  of  its 
parts  ? 

Is  not  the  whole  equal  to  the  sum  of  all  its  parts  ? 

Logically,  the  State  is  therefore  entitled  to  the  best 
service,  the  truest  allegiance,  the  highest  honor  and 
purest  patriotism  that  any  citizen  can  render,  and  he 


SOC/.IL/SM,  39 

who,  having  been  selected  to  fill  an  office  of  trust  or 
honor,  fails  to  fulfil  his  duty  to  the  State,  is  a  traitor,  a 
liar,  and  a  thief — Carpenter  and  Humphreys  for  exam- 
ple. 

From  the  foregoing,  any  person  of  candor  and  intel- 
ligence will  see  and  admit  the  necessity  of  a  radical 
change  in  our  present  system  of  government. 

/•'hst. — The  abolition  of  one-man  power,  the  Presi- 
dency, and  with  it  the  veto. 

Sit'o/uf. — The  abolition  of  the  Senate,  an  oligarchy  and 
impediment  to  free  government  by  the  people. 

T/iini.— The  adoption  of  one  legislative  body  by  direct 
vote  of  all  the  people — the  House  of  Representatives. 

Fourth. — The  manner  of  election,  viz.:  instead  of  party 
politics  and  districts,  have  proportional  or  preferential 
representation,  whereby  the  largest  possible  number  of 
citizens  shall  be  directly  represented  by  men  of  their 
own  choosing. 

Fifth. — The  adoption  of  the  Referendum,  whereby  all 
laws  shall  emanate  from  the  people,  and  be  referred 
back  for  adoption  or  rejection. 

Sixth. — The  Imperative  Mandate,  whereby  all  repre- 
sentatives, officers,  agents,  and  servants  who  do  not 
carry  out  the  will  of  the  people,  can  be  immediately  re- 
called, and  others  elected  to  till  the  vacancies. 

We  believe  that  if  even  these  few  modest  and  con- 
servative changes  were  inaugurated,  that  at  least  one- 
half  of  our  present  governmental  iniquities  would  be 
absolutely  impossible  of  perpetration;  then  monopolists 
would  not  nominate  candidates  whom  they  knew  would 
be  certain  of  defeat,  and  whom,  if  elected,  could  pass 
no  laws  in  the  interest  of  their  masters,  unless  sanc- 
tioned by  a  majority  of  all  the  voters,  and  then  it  would 
cost  too  much  to  buy  ;  in  fact,  the  majority  are  so 
honest  as  to  be  unpurchasable.  The  people,  if  not 
hoodwinked  and  misled  by  interested  and  designing 
men,  arc  always  right,  and  it  is  an  exceedingly  pleasant 
task  to  record  that  in  nearly  every  rase  where  a  propo- 
sition or  law  was  submitted  to  a  general  vote  of  the 
people  it  received  the  sanction  or  condemnation  which 
it  deserved  ;  as  witness,  the  votes  oil  the  Chinese  Ques- 
tion, the  New  Constitution,  the  San  Francisco  Charter, 


/ 


40  SOCIALISM, 

and  the  recent  attempt  to  bankrupt  this  city  with  an 
enormous  debt. 

With  these  changes  adopted,  legislation  in  favor  of 
capital,  as  against  labor,  would  cease,  and  the  trade  of 
the  politician  and  lobbyist  become  one  of  the  lost  arts. 
The  exactions  of  monopolists  from  the  defenceless  pro- 
ducer, and  the  exploitation  of  labor  by  irresponsible  cap- 
ital in  the  hands  of  individuals-  and  corporations  would 
be  at  least  curtailed,  if  not  entirely  destroyed. 


CHAPTER  III. 
THE  GIST  OK  THE  NEW  KKPUM.IC 

Governmental  Co-operation, 

We  believe  that  the  governmental  and  legislative 
changes  indicated  in  the  foregoing  pages,  while  inv 
pcrative  and  beneficial  auxiliaries  to  social  progress, 
would  not  alone  and  of  themselves  be  sufficient  to  en- 
franchise labor  from  the  control  of  capital  ;  those  are 
merely  political  and  governmental  changes.  To  complete 
the  enfranchisement,  we  need  entire  economic  emancipa- 
tion, the  complete  bursting  of  the  bonds,  and  lifting  of 
the  burdens  that  enchain  and  bow  down  the  great  mass 
of  mankind.  • 

In  other  words,  we  must  have,  instead  of  the  present 
capitalistic  and  individualistic  system  of  production 
and  distribution,  governmental  co-operation,  govern- 
mental productions  and  distributions;  that  is,  that  the 
whole  people  of  a  country,  in  their  collective  capacity, 
shall  produce  and  distribute  everything  like  a  great 
joint-stock  company,  only  infinitely  wiser,  stronger,  and 
more  competent. 

Instead  of  the  bourgeoisie  system  of  wages-slavery 
for  the  proletarian,  we  must  have  an  equal  co-partner- 
ship in  the  world's  work  and  wealth  for  the  procurer. 

Wages  is  but  an  equivalent  for  a  part  of  the  thing 
produced  ;  the  producer  must  have  an  equivalent  fur 
the  whole. 

Capital  is  accumulated  unpaid  wages,  or  the  accunui- 


SOCIALISM.  4t 

lated  products  of  labor,  for  which  the  producer  received 
no  equivalent. 

If  there  were  no  profits  or  surplus  for  the  employer, 
capitalistic  production  would  cease,  because  unprofit- 
able ;  profit,  therefore,  is  the  legalized  robbery  of  labor, 
and  the  greater  trie  profit  the  greater  the  robbery  and 
the  greater  the  enterprise  of  the  robber,  as  the  petty 
smuggler  becomes  the  daring  pirate,  the  small  farmer 
becomes  a  great  land-grabber,  and  the  shopkeeper  be- 
comes a  railroad  king. 

If  tiie  people  in  their  collective  capacity  should  adopt 
governmental  production  and  distribution,  capital,  in 
the  hands  of  individuals  or  corporations,  could  not  com- 
pete, as  the  laborer  would  employ  himself  for  all  he  was 
worth,  and  the  Government,  having  the  largest  capital, 
the  greatest  number  employed,  and  producing  on  the 
largest  scale,  would  crush  out  all  competition,  and  mor- 
ally force  every  person  into  a  mutual  and  universal 
alliance. 

People  who  hear  of  governmental  co-operation  for 
the  first  time  ridicule  the  idea  that  a  government  should 
find  employment  for  everybody,  and  control  every 
avenue  of  industry  and  commerce,  but  such  people  for- 
get that  either  national,  State,  or  municipal  governments 
control  or  operate,  in  whole  or  in  part,  nearly  everything 
else  except  the  most  vital  need  of  society — the  indus- 
trial or  economic. 

The  national  Government  controls  and  operates  the 
post-office  ;  why  not  the  telegraphs  and  railroads,  in  fact, 
all  means  of  transportation  and  communication? 

It. collects  the  internal  and  external  revenues,  why  not 
operate  the  industries  on  which  it  collects  taxes? 

It  makes,  expounds,  and  executes  all  national  laws; 
why  not  prevent  crime  by  removing  its  causes,  by  pre- 
venting poverty,  by  suppressing  tyranny  on  the  part  of 
the  money  power  and  other  sources  of  social  oppres- 
sion ? 

It  maintains  an  army  and  navy  in  idleness  and  com- 
parative luxury. 

Could  it  not  as  well  provide  for  its  aged  and  disabled 
servants,  and  those  depending  upon  them  ? 

The  Slate   likewise  collects  taxes,  makes  public  hit- 


42  JoctAiixM, 

provements,  builds  public  institutions,  equips  its  militia, 
and  maintains  a  host  of  officials  in  luxury  and  idle- 
ness. 

Could  it  not  also  go  a  step  farther,  and  build  houses 
for  its  citizens,  schools  and  colleges  of  science,  art,  and 
industry,  where  all  children  would  receive  the  best  pos- 
sible advantages  of  social  and  intellectual  culture, besides 
a  practical  and  theoretical  knowledge  in  the  branch  of 
industry  for  which  each  was  best  adapted  ? 

The  county  and  municipal  governments  also  collect 
taxes,  make  and  repair  roads,  streets,  sewers,  etc.,  build 
and  maintain  altns-houses,  hospitals,  and  asylums,  pay  and 
equip  a  host  of  sheriffs,  police,  lawyers,  doctors,  clerks, 
and  other  political  hacks  and  loafers. 

Could  they  not  just  as  well  carry  on  all  local  industries, 
own  all  the  local  lands  and  houses,  collect  taxes  orients 
for  the  same,  and  be  in  every  particular  a  genuine  com- 
mune where  all  the  inhabitants  would  be  free,  equal, 
and  fraternal  ? 

Thus  we  see  that  some  kind  of  a  government  controls 
and  operates  nearly  every  kind  of  an  institution  but  the 
economic  and  industrial.  It  does  not  interfere  with 
these  because  the  Government  is  capitalistic,  and  to  do 
so  would  interfere  with  the  interests  of  private  capital  ; 
it  would  injure  the  bourgeoisie  ;  and  they  in  turn  would 
overthrow  any  government  that  trenched  on  their  pre- 
rogatives ;  to  suit  this  class,  the  masses  must  be  kept  in 
poverty,  ignorance,  and  crime. 

The  State  will  provide  the  policeman,  sheriff,  judge, 
chaplain,  and  even  a  hangman,  but  will  d<»  absolutely 
nothing  to  prevent  the  crime,  but  all  in  its  power  to  foster 
and  encourage  wrong  ;  and  whenever  any  government 
tries  to  remedy  an  evil,  it  duals  with  effects  and  leaves 
the  cause  untouched  ;  it  dare  not  remove  the  cause,  for 
then  it  would  be  compelled  in  justice  to  annihilate  itself, 
for  governments,  as  they  now  exist,  are  in  their  cause, 
operation,  and  end  the  very  essence  of  crime,  robbery, 
and  usurpation  of  .all  natural  right  and  natural  justice. 

It  has  often  been  objected,  that  governmental  control 
of  industries  lias  never  been  tried,  and  is  impractical. 

In  reply  to  this,  we  claim  that  the  bare  fact  of  a  thing 
not  having  been  tested  by  practical  operation,  is  HO  valid 


.  SOCIAUSM.  43 

or  logical  reason  against  its  practicability,  and  certainly 
less  against  the  theory  on  which  it  is  based. 

In  the  second  place,  we  reply  that  governmental  con- 
trol of  industries  lias  been  in  operation  in  some  countries, 
for  a  long  time,  and  is  to-day,  in  a  limited  sense,  recog- 
nized and  adopted  by  all. 

The  Government  printing  pfttcc  at  Washington  is  the 
largest  printing  office  in  the  world,  and  turns  out  more 
and  better  work  in  a  given  time,  at  less  cost,  than  any 
private  institution  of  the  kind  in  existence. 

The  post-oflic  e  cannot  be  regarded  as  other  than  a 
great  and  necessary  industry,  in  the  success  of  which 
every  citizen  is  interested,  yet  this,  with  all  its  draw- 
barks,  Star  Route  scandals  and  defalcations,  is  more 
economically  and  successfully  administered  than  any 
private  enterprise  in  the  country. 

Again,  the  tobacco  manufacture  in   France  has  been 
carried  on   by  that  Government  for  over  one  hundred 
and   fifty  years  ;  it   has  reaped  a  large  annual  revenue    , 
from   that   industry,  and  supplied  a  better  article,  for,/, 
lower  cost,  than  any   private  manufacturer  could   have1.    - 
done  ;  but  more  important  even  than  the  revenues  and  vy» 
the  cost  and  quality,  it  has  on  the  average  paid  its  opera-  . 
tives  better  wages  than  were  paid   to  the  best  mechanics 
at  any  other  industry,  besides  pensioning  them  after  long 
and  faithful  service,  and   providing   for  widows  and  or- 
phans, if  -any  were  left  dependent  ;  so  well  has  this  em- 
ployment  been   liked,  that   a  job  in  this  department  is 
much  coveted  and  sought  after,  and  if  put  on  the  market, 
would  fetch  a  very   high  premium.     If  it  is  possible  to 
secure  all  these  successes  under  the  worst   form  of  mod- 
ern capitalistic  government,  what  would  be  the  result 
under  a  socialistic  form  of  government  ?   We  say  infinite- 
ly grander,  broader,  and  better. 

S/ior leniitg  the  J  fours  of  Labor, 

With  governmental  co-operation  there  would  be  less 
work  for  each  and  more  work  for  all. 

If  all  persons  able  to  work  were  usefully  employed, 
an  average  of  three  hours  per  day  from  each  would  pro- 
duce  all  the  necessities  and    luxuries   of   life,  with   a 


44  S0C/.1/.f*\V.. 

large  surplus  to  be  added  to  the  national  or  com- 
munal capital,  in  way  of  public  improvements  and  pub- 
lic benefits. 

Why  arc  men  compelled  to  work  ten  or  more  hours 
under  the  present  system  ? 

First — Because  the  employer  takes  for  his  profit  all 
over  and  above  three  hours'  labor,  to  keep  himself  and 
other  loafers  in  idleness  and  lu-.ury. 

Second. — Because  men  cannot  get  steady  employment 
all  the  year  round,  and  so  are  compelled  to  work  Jong 
hours  to  make  up  for  lost  time. 

Third. — Not  more  than  fifty  per  cent,  of  the  adult 
population  are  regularly  and  usefully  employed.  A 
great  many  labor  hard  at  work  that  is  useless,  or  abso- 
lutely injurious  to  society. 

Shortening  of  the  hours  of  labor  would  be  the  greatest 
boon  that  could  be  conferred  upon  mankind  at  present, 
for  the  following  reasons  : 

First. — Suppose  in  the  community  there  is  a  certain 
amount  of  labor  to  be  performed  in  a  given  time,  by  re- 
ducing the  hours  of  labor  ten  per  cent.,  or  say  to  nine 
instead  of  ten  hours  for  a  day's  work,  it  follows  that  to 
Ss;'  -complete  the  given  work  in  a  given  time,  ten  per  cent. 
Snore  workmen  must  be  employed  ;  and  if  a  legal  work 
(Jay  was  made  five  hours,  to  perform  the  necessary  work 
of  society,  double  the  number  of  hands  now  employed 
would  be  needed,  thus  giving  the  classes  at  present  com- 
pelled to  be  hoodlums,  tramps,  and  loafers  an  opportun- 
ity to  become  useful  members  of  society,  besides  making 
large  drafts  on  those  who  are  at  present  uselessly  and 
viciously  employed. 

Second. — Shortening  the  hours  of  labor  would  give 
more  opportunity  for  recreation,  social  and  intellectual 
culture,  and  general  development.  The  man  who  works 
long  and  hard  cannot  be  healthy,  educated,  and  refined  ; 
excessive  toil  brutalizes  and  reduces  the  worker  to  the 
lowest  condition  of  animalism. 

Third. — Shortening  the  hours  of  labor  would  speedily 
prepare  men  fur  othYr  and  higher  reforms  ;  in  fact,  we 
regard  this  in* -asurc  as  simply  ameliorative  and  as  a 
means  to  an  end,  the  end  being  economic  emancipation, 
and  higher,  nobler  life. 


SOCIALISM.  4S 


The  Wastes  of  Society. 

In  the  social  state,  with  governmental  co-opcrntion 
as  the  corner-stone,  nearly  all  the  wastes  of  society  as 
now  existing  might  be  abolished. 

As  a  people,  and  as  individuals,  we  arc  exceedingly 
parsimonious  in  the  expenditure  of  small  amounts  of 
coin,  but  yet  extremely  extravagant  in  the  employment 
of  time,  labor,  and  material. 

In  the  four  professions  of  theology,  law,  physic,  and 
war  there  are  millions  of  the  most  intelligent,  educated, 
and  able-bodied  men  employed,  for  no  apparent  purpose 
but  to  delude,  rob,  and  murder  their  fellows. 

The  preacher  wears  good  clothes,  eats  good  food,  and 
generally  lives  in  good  houses,  yet,  as  a  preacher,  he  is 
not  only  worthless,  but  .absolutely  injurious,  as  he 
stands  in  the  path  of  progress,  opposes  all  reforms  that 
he  does  not  invent  and  engineer  ;  he  is  always  on  the 
side  of  king  and  capital,  and  naturally  he  is  their  creat- 
ure, and  dues  their  work.  With  his  intelligence  and 
education  he  would  make  an  excellent  teacher,  did  he 
possess  a  little  more  honesty  and  industry,  and  the 
churches  he  occupies  one  day  in  seven,  would,  with 
some  slight  changes,  make  excellent  schools,  lyceums, 
and  gymnasiums  for  the  mental,  moral,  and  physical 
training  of  the  young. 

Tiie  lawyer  is  the  most  vicious  and,  dangerous  mem- 
ber of  society  ;  his  trade  is  to  lie,  cheat,  steal,  and  to 
condone  and  defend  all  crime  and  criminals  ;  by  instinct 
and  training  he  is  the  friend  and  defender  of  all  tyran- 
nies, and  the  natural  enemy  of  labor.  Were  his  talents 
turned  in  a  different  direction  he  would  make  an  excel- 
lent scientist  and  teacher  of  the  higher  class,  in  such  ca- 
pacity he  would  be  a  useful  and  honorable  member  of 
societv. 

0 

The  medical  doctor,  especially  the  skilful  surgeon,  is 
a  necessary  and  honorable  member  of  society,  but  the 
average  practitioner  or  quack  is  no  better  than  a  legal- 
ized murderer  ;  he  may  chop,  scalp,  dose,  poison,  and 
strangle  you,  ami  then  give  a  burial  permit  or  pass  to 
Lone  Mountain,  and  the  law  takes  no  cognizance  of  his 


46  SOCfALISM>  v 

butcheries  and  slow  poisoning.  He  is  ft  very  dangerous 
citizen,  but,  under  a  better  system,  where  none  but 
those  adapted  by  nature  and  education  could  enter  the 
profession,  might  be  made  a  very  useful  one. 

The  soldier — under  this   head   we  include   not  onlv 

0 

the  "  regular,"  but  all  the  irregulars,  such  as  policemen, 
*  sheriffs,  jailors,  and  hangmen.  Their  trade  is  murder — 
foul,  premeditated,  and  cold-blooded.  They  arc  loafers, 
bummers,  politicians,  and-  dead  beats  ;  they  are  not  only 
consumers,  but  what  they  cannot  cat,  drink,  or  carry 
away  in  plunder,  they  burn,  blow  up,  and  destroy  ;  they 
lack  even  the  saving  grace  of  intelligence  and  education 
possessed  by  the  other  professions  ;  their  business  is 
brutalizing,  degrading,  and  heinous,  and  ihcy  follow  the 
trade  to  which  -their  instincts  prompt  them.  Under  it 
better  social  system  they  might  be  utilized  as  butchers, 
scavengers,  or  to  do  other  necessaty  and  useful  labor. 

These  four  avocations  form  a  large  part  of  the  popu- 
lation of  every  country  that  produce  nothing  but  con- 
sume the  best  of  cvefytlniitf,  and  must  he.  kept  at  the 
"-      expense  of  the  laborer,  the  mechanic,  and  the  farmer. 

It/is  nearly  time  we  had  a  change  in  this  regard  at 

'tenst     In  the  support  of  these  men,  the  expenditure  of 

'^Ctngi     'tunc,  labor,  and    material  that    is  wasted  is  enormous, 

"•appalling,  and    beyond    belief.     That    number  of    men, 

with   what   they    use    and    consume,    might    better   be 

dumped  in  the  ocean,  and  the  world  would  be  happier, 

wealthier,  and  wiser  for  the  loss. 

Another  great  waste  of  society  is  in  the  supera- 
bundance of  distributors  and  the  system  of  distribu- 
tion. 

There  arc  at  least  fifty  stores  for  every  one  that  is 
necessary  ;  in  other  words,  there  are  ninety-eight  per 
cent,  more  distributing  depots  than  there  is  any  neces- 
sity for,  and  almost  the  same  waste  of  time,  labor,  and 
material  in  the  employment  of  clerks,  porters,  horses, 
wagons,  fixtures,  houses,  and  machinery.  With  govern- 
mental co-operation,  all  waste  in  the  department  of  dis- 
tribution would  be  abolished. 

At  present  there  is  no  system  ;  every  one  seems  to  go 
it  blind. 

Twenty  different  milkmen  leave  milk  to  twenty  dif- 


SOCMUSM,  ,  47 

fcrctit  fnmilics  in  the  same  block,  and  these  same  milk- 
men have  to  drive  all  over  the  city,  with  great  waste  of 
time,  labor,  and  material,  to  hunt  their  customers.  The 
grocer,  the  butcher,  the  baker,  and  other  distributors  are 
compelled  to  do  the  same  thing  at  an  enormous  and 
useless  expense.  Under  our  system  there  would  be  dc* 
pots  of  supply  in  every  square  or  district,  with  goods  of 
uniform  excellence,  free  from  adulteration,  full  weight 
and  measure,  so  that  there  need  be  no  choice  on  the 
part  of  the  consumer  on  the  score  of  friendship,  the 
price,  quality,  or  quantity,  desired.  Thus,  at  least,  two- 
thirds  of  the  time,  labor,  and  operating  material  now 
necessary  would  be  sufficient  to  do  the  same  work  better, 
cheaper,  quicker,  and  more  satisfactory  in  every  par- 
ticular. 

If  each  letter-carrier,  on  going  to  the  post-office  in 
the  morning,  were  to  fill  his  bag  out  of  a  heap  of  unas- 
sorted letters,  and  start  out  to  deliver  them  all  over  the 
city  to  their  proper  addresses,  it  would  take  him  a 
whole  day  to  deliver  fiftv  or  one  hundred  letters,  which 
he  can  do  now  in  an  hour  or  less  with  greater  prompt- 
ness and  certainty,  to  say  nothing  of  the  saving  in  time, 
tailor,  and  material. 

By  proper  organization,  system,  and  discipline,  a  sim- 
ilar saving  might  be  made  in  every  department  of  dis- 
tribution. 

A  similar  saving  might  be  duplicated  in  every  depart- 
ment of  production,  and  by  a  proper  division  of  labor 
the  force  now  required  to  produce  a  given  result  could 
be  made  to  yield  ten  times  greater. 

The  division  of  labor  has  been  very  highly  developed 
already  by  large  manufacturers,  with  the  best  results  to 
themselves  but  fraught  with  the  direst  evil  to  the  em- 
ployees, of  whom  it  makes  automatons  or  machine- 
tenders.  Division  of  labor  should  be  introduced  into 
every  department  where  practical,  and  the  saving  of 
time,  energy,  and  muscle  should  go  to  the  producer — to 
the  worker — not  to  a  capitalistic  loafer,  who  is  success- 
ful in  getting  or  stealing  money  enough  to  buy  ma- 
chinery and  employ  slaves.  All  this  economy  in  pro- 
duction and  distribution  should  be  utilized  for  the  bene- 
fit of  all,  f* # r   the  shortening  of  the  hours  of  labor;  in 


48  SOCIAIJStr^ 

fact,  for  the  abolition  of  labor  or  toil ;  for  the  making  of 
all  happier.  And  here,  allow  me  to  say,  that  toil,  hard 
labor — 'drudgery — is  degrading,  is  dishonorable,  is  de- 
basing ;  loud-moutlicd  politicians  and  demagogues  to 
the  contrary  notwithstanding.  A  horny  hand  is  no 
badge  of  nobility,  it  is  the  mark,  token,  and  sign  of  base- 
ness ;  a  stooped  back  and  halting  gait,  from  toil,  is  no 
evidence  of  respectability,  intelligence,  and  freedom,  it 
is  the  visible  and  tangible  brand  of  slavery.  We  do  not 
despise  or  blame  lite  slave;  we  pity,  and  would  teach 
him  to  be  free. 


CHAPTER  IV. 
OF  THE    IKON   LAW   OK  WAOKS. 

Govkrnmkntal  co-operation,  as  treated  of  in  the 
previous  pages,  cannot  be  generally  adopted  until  the 
wages  system  is  abolished  ;  or  rather,  as  the  wages  sys- 
tem is  gradually  abolished  governmental  co-operation 
will  take  its  place. 

Me  who  works  for  wages  is  a  slave,  and  wages  slavery 
is,  in  many  respects,  worse  than  chattel  slavery. 

Of  course  the  indignant  wage  worker  repels  the 
charge  that  he,  a  free  American  citizen,  is  a  slave. 

However,  it  all  depends  upon  our  conception  of  the 
meaning,  character,  and  conditions  of  slavery.  We  will 
name  you  its  conditions,  and  then  you  can  call  it  by  the 
grandest  or  prettiest  name  you  choose  ;  to  us,  the  sys- 
tem is  vile,  mean,  debasing,  cheating,  and  exploiting, 
and  we  call  it  slavery  because  it  fills  the  bill. 

First. — You  must  work  earlier,  longer,  and  later  than 
you  wish  to. 

St'i'ond.-—  You  must  give  closer  application  to  your 
work,  and  perform  more  in  a  given  lime  than  you  de- 
sire to  or  than  vou  ouHit  to. 

T/iirJ. — Sometimes  you  don't  want  to  work  but  must. 
Sometimes  you  want  to  work  but  can't. 

Fourth. — The  remuneration  you  receive  is  not  a  full 
equivalent  for  the  labor  performed,  the  time  employed, 
or  the  thing  produced. 


SOCIALISM.  49 

Fifth, — A  large  portion  of  your  time  nnd  labor  Is 
directly  controlled  nnd  supervised  by  your  employer, 
nnd  the  balance  is  indirectly  supervised  and  regulated 
by  the  wages  he  pays  and  the  system  he  aids  In  creat- 
ing. 

Working  for  wages,  therefore,  you  are  not  a  freeman 
but  a  slave,  and  a  slave  that  your  employer  despises  and 
will  get  along  without  whenever  he  can. 

While  you  are  young  and  in  good  working  condition 
his  avarice  deprives  you  of  many  pleasures,  luxuries, 
and  even  necessaries  ;  when  you  are  disabled,  old,  or 
sick,  lie  will  not  support  or  care  for  you  ;  in  case  of 
death  he  won't  bury  you  or  aid  your  widow  and  orphans, 
if  you  are  unfortunate  enough  to  have  any. 

In  these  respects  you  are  worse  oil  than  a  chattel 
slave. 

The  master  sought  the  chattel  slave  ;  the  wages  slave 
seeks  his  master. 

The  chattel  slave  gave  work  for  his  food  ;  the  wages 
slave  cannot  gel  food  for  his  work. 

Vou  can  call  this  condition  by  what  name  you  choose  ; 
to  us  it  is  sufficiently  wretched  to  be  called  by  a  worse 
name  than  slavery. 

The  merciless  economic  rule  under  which  the  present 
system  fixes  the  rate  of  wages  is  this,  that  the  average 
•wages  always  remain  reduced  to  that  rate  which  is 
hardly  sufficient  to  support  the  life  of  the  laborer  and 
enable  him  to  produce  his  kind  ;  that  is  the  fixed  point 
around  which  labor  always  revolves,  never  remaining  for 
a  long  time  either  higher  or  lower.  Were  it  to  remain 
for  a  long  time  above  this  point,  marriages  would  in- 
crease, with  a  proportionate  increase  of  laborers  in  one 
generation,  which  would  again  lower  the  standard  of 
wages.  Neither  can  wages,  for  a  long  time,  fall  below 
the  average  cost  of  living,  as  that  would  induce  emi- 
gration and  celibacy,  which  circumstances  would  de- 
crease the  number  of  laborers,  and  consequently  restore 
the  lost  equilibrium. 

Tin'  wages  of  a  people  are  regulated  by  their  habits  of 
living,  ami  these  habits  conform  to  the  limits  of  existence  and 
propagation. 

To  illustrate  :     In  a  new  country,  where  laborers  are 
4 


5* 


SOCIALISM.  "*  - 


few  and  the  cost  of  living  High,  wages  will  invariably 
he  large  in  proportion  ;  exactly  the  reverse  is  always 
the  case  with  old  and  thickly  settled  countries,  as  the 
food  supply  is  cheaper  and  more  abundant,  with  a  lower 
standard  in  quality  and  less  variety. 

In  China,  where  the  country  has  been  thousands  of 
years  settled  and  the  population  dense,  the  standard  of 
living  is  extremely  low,  and  consequently  the  wages 
conform  to  the  price  of  rice,  tea,  a  little  fish  and  vegeta- 
bles, which  are  all  produced  cheaply  and  in  abundance. 

In  England  the  average  standard  of  living  among  the 
working  classes  is  comparatively  high,  .ind  consequently 
wages  are  proportionately  greater,  the  variety,  quality, 
and  cost  of  production  being  higher,  the  staples  being 
wheat,  beef,  butter,  cheese,  beer,  fruit,  vegetables,  etc. 

In  the  United  States,  especially  in  California  and  re- 
cently developed  territories,  the  standard  of  living  is 
higher  than  anywhere  else  in  the  worid,  and  here  and 
elsewhere  wages  conform  to  the  condition  of  existence. 

A  '49-er,  in  California,  very  often  got  $10  per  (lay,  but 
his  meals  cost  $i  each  and  his  whiskey  25  cents  a  drink. 
To-day  he  can  buy  as  good  a  meal  and  better  whiskey 
for  25  cents  and  io  cents  respectively,  but  Ids  wages  are 
reduced  to  $2,  and  if  the  average  standard  and  cost  of 
living  continues  to  decrease,  in  twenty-five  years  hence 
his  meals  will  cost  5  cents  and  Jus  wages  will  be  25  cents 
to  50  cents,  if  the  present  wages  system  is  not  abolished 
in  the  meantime.  That  Waijes  conform  to  the  averacrc 
cost  and  standard  of  living  is  a  natural  and  unchange- 
able law,  unvarying,  scientific,  and  logical. 

It  is  also  an  absolute  law  that  the  average  conditions 
of  life  in  a  given  country  determine  the  average  intelli- 
gence, morality,  physical  development  and  happiness  of 
the  people  of  that  country  ;  the  better  the  conditions  of 
existence  the  better  the  man  will  be  in  every  particular. 
The  horse  that  is  well  bred,  well  fed,  well  stabled,  well 
curried,  and  properly  worked  will  be  far  superior  to 
the  animal  that  is  badly  bred,  badly  fed,  poorly  stabled, 
rarely  cleaned,  and  hard  worked.  1  low  long  will  men  re- 
main contented  to  be  plugs  and  scrubs  when  they  might 
change  their  entire  condition  by  the  desire  and  determi- 
nation to  do  so  ? 


SOCIALISM  51 

From  the  amount  proiiuced  there  is  only  so  much  taken  and 
divided  among  the  producers  as  will  tolerably  support  life 
(n'<iges)f  alt  over  and  above  goes  to  the  employer  (capital). 

It  is,  therefore,  a  consequence  of  this  inexorable  and 
cruel  "Law  of  Wages'*  that  the  workingmen — the  dis- 
inherited— are  deprived  of  the  enjoyment  and  advan- 
tages brought  about  by  the  progress  of  civilization  ;  for 
the  toiler  is  a  bare  existence  ;  for  the  employer  all  the 
surplus. 

Owing  to  increased  productiveness,  many  articles 
formerly  considered  luxuries  have  reached  a  degree  of 
cheapness  which  bring  them  temporarily  \vh\nn  the  reach 
of  labor,  and  so  confer  a  slight  benefit — but,  remember, 
he  gets  this  advantage  as  a  consumer  not  as  a  producer  ;  his 
employer  has  the  same  advantage  of  cheapness  also,  as 
a  consumer,  thus  further  augmenting  his  power  to  ex- 
ploit the  consumer  by  an  economy  o!  capital. 

Hut  this  slight  and  momentary  advantage,  which  docs 
not  come  to  you  as  laborers,  but  as  human  beings, 
vanishes  again  in  course  of  time,  through  this  cruel  and 
relentless  law,  which  lowers  wages  to  the  measure  of 
consumption  necessary  to  a  bare  existence. 

When  the  press,  the  pulpit,  and  the  political  economist 
condescend  to  discuss  the  social  question,  the  laborer  is 
told  that  lie  is  much  belter  off  now  than  were  his  ances- 
tors and  the  workingmen  of  a  hundred  years  ago. 

Hut  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  production  has  in- 
creased a  thousand-fold,  the  luxuries  of  life  have  been 
infinitely  multiplied,  and  all  the  conditions,  conveniences, 
and  appliances  that  make  life  tolerable  have  been  aug- 
mented beyond  comparison  with  any  other  period  of 
the  world's  history.  Has  the  condition  of  the  producer 
increased  in  the  same  ratio  ?  is  the  laborer  of  to-day 
a  thousand-fold  better  off  than  the  laborer  of  a  century 
ago  ?     We  say,  no  ! 

It  was  stated  by  J01 n  Stuart  Mill,  in  his  N  Political 
Economy,*'  that,  in  spite  ol  the  enormous  amount  of 
labor-saving  machinery  introduced  into  the  world,  the 
daily  toil  of  a  single  human  being  had  not  been  lessened 
in  the  slightest.  Tile  startling  significance  of  such  an 
assertion  as  this  will  be  appreciated  when  it  is  stated 
that,  in  Great  Britain  alone,  the  amount  of  labor-saving 


52  SOCIALISMS  _ 

machinery  employed  is  equal  in  power  and  productive- 
ness to  the  combined  manual  labor  of  a  collection  of 
laborers  et/ual  to  four  times  the  population  of  the  entire  world. 

But  this  is  not  all.  Not  only  has  the  daily  toil  of 
workingmen  not  been  lessened,  but  their  daily  remu- 
neration, compared  with  the  cost  of  living",  has  not  appre- 
ciably increased  since  the  introduction  of  labor-saving 
machinery.  Vet  the  increase  of  wealth  resulting  from 
this  enormous  increase  of  production  is  almost  incalcu- 
lable. Where  does  it  go  ?  and  how  does  it  get  there  ? 
are  questions  that  are  forcing  themselves  on  the  attention 
of  society,  from  year  to  year,  with  growing  seriousness. 

Friends,  the  question  is  not — Are  we  better  oil  than 
our  ancestors?  but — Are  we  as  well  off  as  the  ad- 
vanced conditions  of  society  warrant  us  in  being? 

Are  we  as  well  off  as  our  masters — our  employers  ? 

Are  we  as  well  oil  as  the  non-producers — the  loafers 
and  wasters  of  the  world's  wealth  ? 

Are  we  as  well  off  as  we  ought  to  be  ? 

The  answer  is  emphatically,  Xo  ! 

Then,  we  shall  never  be  contented  or  happy  until  we 
have  all  that  in  justice  belongs  to  us,  whether  it  makes 
us  happy  or  not. 


CHAPTER  V. 

SOME   OBJECTIONS  ANSWKKKD. 

Skilled  and  Unskilled  iAibor. 

If  there  is  one  thing  more  than  another  which  dis- 
gusts the  sincere  social  reformer,  it  is  an  aristocracy  of 
labor.  Caste  or  class  or  distinctions  of  honor  or  re- 
spectability among  the  useful  workers  of  society  is  not 
only  an  absurdity  but  downricrht  fraud  and  dishonesty. 

The  tinker  and  the  tailor,  and  the  butcher  and  the 
baker,  and  the  hod-carrier  and  the  scavenger  all  unite 
in  despising  and  abolishing  aristocratic  distinctions 
among  the  wealthy  loafers  ;  they  have  not  much  respect 
for  the  difference  between  the  Hon.  Jack  Ketch,  the  Rt. 
Hon.  Jack  Fleecem,  his  Excellency  Jack  Skinem,  the 


SOCIALISM.  53 

Prince  of  Poodlcdom,  the  Duke  of  Flunkeydom,  the 

Marquis  of  Tweedledum,  and  the  Squire  of  Twcedledec  ; 
to  the  honest,  independent,  and  intelligent  laborer  they 
are  all  a  lot  of  idiots  and  knaves  that  ought  to  be 
smothered  in  the  same  cesspoul.  So  far  so  good.  Now, 
friends,  be  consistent.  Why  should  the  watchmaker 
and  the  jeweller  look  down  on  the  blacksmith,  and  the 
blacksmith  on  the  hod-carrier,  and  the  hod-carrier  on 
the  sand-shoveller,  and  the  sand-shoveller  on  the  rag- 
picker ?  just  as  though  unskilled  labor  was  not  as  use- 
ful and  necessary  in  its  place  as  skilled.  The  yearly 
production  in  the  United  States,  derived  from  agricul- 
ture, was  set  down  in  1880  at  $7,500,000,000,  and  from 
manufactures  $5,000,000,000.  Nearly  all  the  agricul- 
tural production  was  performed  by  unskilled  labor,  and 
also  a  xevy  large  proportion  of  the  manufactures.  If 
the  farm-laborer,  the  hod-carrier,  and  the  rag-picker  arc 
equally  useful,  why  should  there  be  any  distinction  of 
honor,  respectability,  or  reward  ?  Tins  talk  about  skilled 
ami  unskilled  labor,  is  a  great  swindle. 

The  man  who  is  skilled  in  the  chicanery  of  the  prod- 
uce market  or  at  the  mechanics'  bench,  is  unskilled 
with  the  shovel,  the  pick,  and  the  work  at  the  transpor- 
tation dock.  The  man  who  shovels  on  the  railroad  does 
as  useful  work  as  tine  engineer  who  runs  a  locomotive 
over  it  or  the  thief  who  operates  the  road  to  rob  the 
public.  If  there  is  to  be  any  distinction  of  honors  and 
remuneration,  let  the  man  who  does  the  most  laborious 
and  useful  labor  have  the  first  distinction  and  highest 
reward. 

jlfotiry. 

If  the  present  form  of  money  is  used  at  all,  the  Gov- 
ernment only  should  issue  it  and  do  all  banking,  and 
money  so  issued  should  be  based  on  labor  performed. 
A  dollar  should  represent  one  hundred  minutes  of  time, 
and  be  called  a  labor  note.  A  man  doing  any  work 
would  receive  labor  notes  in  pay,  and  these  labor  notes 
should  be  receivable  at  all  Government  stores  and  depots 
for  any  article  the  purchaser  might  desire,  equivalent 
to  the  time  expended  in  its  production  to  his  labor  note. 

Under  this  system,  where  every  man  would  get  equal 


54  SOCIALISM.    '       - 

pay  for  equal  average  time  and  energy  expended,  every 
man  could  have  money  or  goods  equal  to  the  labor  he 
had  performed,  and  if  he  had  more  it  would  he  evidence 
of  fraud. 

The  money,  or  medium  of  exchange,  should  he  man- 
ufactured of  the  most  convenient,  economical,  and  dur- 
able material  to  be  had,  and  not  of  gold,  silver,  or  other 
scarce  and  valuable  metal.  So  long  as  the  medium  of 
exchange  is  gold  and  silver,  it  is  liable  to  be  monopo- 
lized bv  a  few,  who  ran  thus  enslave  the  man  v.  Under 
the  present  system,  an  individual  party  can  control  the 
medium  of  exchange — has  virtually  a  monopoly  of  the 
means  of  life  in  every  department. 

The  issue  of  money  should  not  be  less  than  $ioo  per 
head  of  the  entire  population,  and  that  amount  would 
be  sufficient  to  carry  on  all  the  industries  of  the  coun- 
try, and  in  the  United  States  it  would  give  us,  at  pres- 
ent, a  circulating  medium  of  about  $5,000,000,000,  based 
on  the  labor  and  wealth  of  the  nation-*— the  best  possible 
basis  and  security  that  can  be  offered  or  devised.* 

Interest,  Usury,  Rent,  Profit. 

Interest  is  the  most  infamous  invention  of  man,  the 
most  cruel  and  unrelenting  tax  on  labor,  thecankerworm 
at  the  root  of  every  industry,  the  foe  of  every  enterprise  ; 
it  figures  in  the  history  of  every  crime  and  partakes  of 
the  essence  of  every  evil.  The  murderer,  the  burglar, 
or  highway  robber  are  useful  and  honorable  members  of 
society  compared  with  the  usurer. 

These  outlaws  take  your  money  or  your  life  at  a  dash 
and  are  done  with  it,  but  the  interest-taker  is  a  slow, 
crawling,  and  hideous  vampire,  that  destroys  all  vigor 
and  all  bloom  in  life. 

Is  it  not  horrible  to  think  that  one  dollar  put  out  at 
compound  interest  for  seventy  years  will  earn  more  than 
the  best  mechanic  can  cam  in  the  same  time  ?  What  a 
comment  on  our  commercial  and  industrial  life,  that  a 
Shylock  in  his  i\ci\,  manipulating  a  few  thousand  dollars, 
which  he  never  earned,  can  have  a  dozen,  a  score,  or  a 
hundred  producers  incessantly  toiling  to  pay  him  .inter- 

•  Sec  ApiHMidix  A. 


SOCIAL/SAT.  55 

est.  Stranger  still,  the  men  so  toiling  nnd  so  defrauded 
never  find  fault,  nay,  they  even  defend  the  system  that 
robs  them,  and  would  crucify  those  who  point  out  their 
degradation  and  would  help  them  abolish  the  iniquity. 

Poor  men  often  defend  the  system,  because  they  t:ikc 
part  in  it  by  depositing  their  surplus  earnings  in  bank 
and  receiving  interest  thereon,  little  thinking  that  they 
are  themselves  toiling  to  pay  that  very  interest,  and  that 
but  for  the  infamous  system  of  interest,  profit,  rent — 
usury — they  could  get  better  remuneration  for  half  they 
now  perform. 

To  illustrate  :  Suppose  A.  keeps  a  foundry,  and  B. 
works  for  him,  and  out  of  $20  per  week  saves  $5,  which 
lie  puts  in  the  savings  bank  at  six  per  cent. 

A.,  tiie  boss,  needs  funds  to  carry  011  his  business, 
and  borrows  the  money,  at  ten  per  cent.,  which  B.  and 
the  other  workmen  have  deposited  at  six.  It  necessarily 
follows,  the  employees  of  the  foundrvman  must  pay  the 
interest  by  receiving  ten  per  cent,  less  wages.  If  he 
does  not  take  it  directly  from  their  wages,  he  adds  it  to 
the  price  of  the  goods  he  manufactures,  and  labor  has 
got  to  pay  it  anyhow.  Hut  further,  B.  wants  to  rent 
a  house,  not  having  saved  enough  money  to  buy  One. 
Another  fellow,  C,  owns  a  lot  ;  he  goes  to  the  bank  and 
borrows  money  to  build  a  house,  and  the  tenant,  B.,  who 
rents  It,  has  got  to  pay  his  interest  also.  If  he  rides  on 
the  street-cars  or  a  railroad  or  steamship,  to  the  bare 
and  natural  cost  of  transportation  the  company  adds  a 
sum  sufficient  to  pay  interest  on  money  borrowed  and 
large  dividends  on  watered  stock.  The  grocer,  dry-goods 
man,,  and  butcher  who  supply  him  with  the  necessaries 
of  life  exact  from  him  profits  sufficient  to  pay  interest 
on  their  indebtedness  and  the  indebtedness  of  the  man- 
ufacturer or  slaughterer  from  whom  they  purchase. 
The  consumer,  who  is  also  the  producer,  has  to  pay 
every  tax,  interest,  and  profit.  He  has  to  support,  either 
directly  or  indirectly,  every  loafer  and  thief  in  society, 
and  for  this  purpose  the  laws,  customs,  and  government 
of  society  garrote  the  laborer  of  90  cents  on  every  dollar 
that  lie  earns. 

We  mean  exactly  what  we  say  and  can  prove  it,  that 
cost,  profit,  interest,  and  taxes  of  every  kind  take  00  cents 


56  SOCIALISM.   •  ~  -  ' 

• 

of  every  dollar  that  belongs  to  labor.  We  hold,  and  can 
prove,  that  one  hour's  work  per  day,  paid  at  the  rate  of 
20  cents,  under  the  Social  state,  would  yield  as  much 
happiness  and  as  many  of  the  necessaries  of  life  to  the 
laborer  as  he  can  now  command  working  ten  hours  per 
day  fur  $2.  Then  what  a  change  would  be  wrought  in 
nis  condition,  working  six  or  eight  hours  and  receiving 
the  full  value  of  his  production.  No  king  could  get 
more  out  of  life  than  he,  as  all  that  nature  and  art  could 
produce  of  use  and  benefit  would  be  at  his  command. 

Equal  Pay  for  Equal  Time  and  Equivalent  Services. 

Believing,  as  wc  do,  in  the  democratic  principle  that 
all  men  are  born  free  and  equal,  it  follows  that  we  should 
hold,  as  the  nearest  approach  to  absolute  justice,  that 
all  men  should  have  equal  opportunities,  conditions,  and 
incentives  for  the  achievement,  of  the  greatest  happi- 
ness and  highest  possible  development,  and,  therefore, 
equal  pay  lor  equal  time  ami  service. 

We  hold  that  the  man  who  prevents  disease  by  the 
cleansing  of  sewers  or  other  sanitary  labor,,  is  as  useful 
a  member  of  society  as  the  man  who  cures  disease  after 
it  has  been  contracted. 

That  the  man  who  builds  a  house  is  as  useful  as  he 
who  designs  or  decorates  it. 

That  he  who  makes  a  coat  is  as  useful  as  he  who  sells 
or  wears  it. 

That  he  who  produres  wealth  is  as  useful  as  the  man 
who  protects  or  monopolizes  it.  (Perhaps  a  little  more 
so.) 

That  he  who  prints  a  book  or  binds  it  is  as  useful  as 
lie  who  writes  it. 

That  he  who  makes  flic  canvas  or  makes  the  pigments 
is  as  useful  as  he  who  paints  the  picture. 

Hear  in  mind,  that  if  one  class  of  men  have  not  as 
much  skill,  education,  or  intelligence  as  the  other,  that 
they  (the  producers)  had  to  support,  educate,  and  de- 
velop the  other  class  in  comparative  idleness  while 
they  were  learning  their  professions,  hence  society,  hav- 
ing conferred  these  opportunities  and  benefits  on  them, 
should  have  their  best  skill  and  service    for  the  price 


SOCIALISM.  57 

paid  to  those  who  were  nil  the  time  doing  useful  and 
active  service. 

In  civilized  society,  every  man  is  dependent  upon  the 
labor  of  a  thousand  others,  and  each  generation  is  in- 
debted for  its  store  of  material  wealth,  knowledge,  and 
intelligence  to  every  generation  that  lias  preceded  it. 

Independence  is  absolutely  impossible.  A  self-made 
man  is  an  absurdity,  and  a  self-taught  man  never  ex- 
isted. 

If  you  were  to  start  oft  entirely  naked  to  the  woods, 
carrying  nothing  with  you  but  a  resolve  to  wrest  from 
nature  food  and  shelter,  unaided  and  alone,  even  then 
you  would  be  a  debtor  to  the  race  for  your  intelligence, 
and  to  the  present  generation  for  your  support  until 
able  to  provide  for  yourself. 

All  useful  members  of  society  are  equally  useful  and 
necessary,  why,  therefore,  should  the  reward  of  one  be 
so  much  greater  than  that  of  the  other  ?  But  the  climax 
of  the  absurdity  is  reached,  when  those  who  perform  the 
easiest  work — the  least  work,  or  no  work  whatever — re- 
ceive the  largest  remuneration  and  the  highest  honors. 

If  all  men  received  equal. pay  for  equal  time  and  equiv- 
alent expenditure  of  life  force,  each  would  follow  that 
occupation  for  which  his  tastes  and  education  best  fitted 
him,  and  not,  as  now,  the  most  remunerative,  regard- 
less of  any  adaptability  or  natural  or  acquired  fitness. 

Asa  general  rule,  by  the  present  system,  we  have 
square  posts  in  round  holes,  and  round  posts  in  square 
holes. 

Under  the  Social  state  all  schools,  colleges,  institu- 
tions of  art  and  mechanics  would  be  open  and  free  to 
every  citizen,  regardless  of  age,  color,  class,  or  condition, 
and  the  best  possible  facilities  afforded  each  person  to 
acquire  a  thorough  theoretical  and  practical  knowledge 
of  any  trade  or  profession  he  might  select,  without  any 
pecuniary  or  other  expense  to  either  himself,  his  parents 
or  friends  ;  then  lie  would  not  have  an  excuse  to  charge 
compound  interest  on  the  outiay  for  his  education  and 
profession — claiming  that  he  had  spent  so  much  time 
and  money,  besides  undergoing  various  privations,  hard- 
ships, ami  self-denial  to  acquire  a  lucrative  and  respect- 
able calling,  and  that,  having  incurred  all  this,  he  was 


SS  SOC/A/JSAC  - 

justified  in  charging  more  for  his  services  than  n  hod- 
carrier  or  a  sand-shoveller. 

Why  should  the  surgeon  charge  $100  for  cutting  oft 
the  leg  of  a  mechanic,  while  the  same  mechanic,  for 
making  the  instrument  the  surgeon  used,  gut  only  two 
or  three  dollars  per  clay  for  an  expenditure  of  ten  times 
the  time  and  muscular  energy,  witii  one-fiftieth  of  the 
pay  that  the  doctor  received  ? 

Again,  why  should  he  charge  the  printer,  the  book- 
binder, the  schoolmaster  the  same  amount,  when  with- 
out their  services  he  could  not  have  learned  his  profes- 
sion ?  Again — the  mechanic  could  not  have  made  the 
instruments,  or  the  printer,  bookbinder,  or  teacher  done 
their  share  but  for  the  coal  and  iron  miner,  the  farmer, 
the  tanner,  the  miller,  the  butcher,  the  cook,  etc. 

Even  among  the  hardest  and  most  useful  workers 
there  is  caste  and  an  aristocracy  of  labor. 

The  mechanic  thinks  himself  a  superior  being  to  a  hod- 
carrier  or  shoveller,  and  the  insignificant  thing  behind  a 
counter  puts  on  airs  over  both  the  mechanic  and  laborer. 

Hack  of  all  and  above  all  stands  the  capitalist  who 
filches  from  all  and  savs :  "Hut  for  ////*,  but  lor  inv 
money,  but  for  my  enterprise,  my  brains,  my  pluck,  none 
of  you  would  have  anything  ;  /  employ  you  ail  ;  /  feed, 
clothe,  and  house  you  all."  When  the  real  truth  of  the 
matter  is  that  it  takes  every  one  of  us — laborers,  me- 
chanics, clerks,  and  professional  men~-to  keep  one  cap- 
italist. ;  It  takes  all  our  time,  brains,  energy,  and  industry 
to  keep  the  loafers  of  the  world  in  luxury  and  idleness. 
A  thousand  men  must  sow  in  toil  and  tears  that  one  may 
reap  in  gladness.  A  thousand  babes  go  supperless  to 
bed  that  one  monster  brat  may  puke  on  silk. 

A  thousand  factory  girls  drudge  out  their  weary  lives 
in  stint  and  squalor  that  one  factory  lord  may  coin  their 
blood  and  bones  and  brains  to  deck  the  mistress  of  his 
lust  and  ease. 

A  hundred  thousand  railroad  men  must  sweat  and 
toil  and  suffer  the  whole  year  that  one  low  brute  may 
spread  a  banquet  for  his  kind. 

And  wherefore  should  it  be  tints? 

Wherefore,  but  because  knowledge  is  power  and  ig- 
norauce  is  weakness. 


SOCMIJSM.  59 

Our  oppressors  arc  stronger  because  they  know  more, 
nnd  we  are  weak  because  we  arc  ignorant — ignorant  of 
our  rights,  ignorant  of  our  duties  to  ourselves  and  to 
society,  ignorant  of  the  objects  and  methods  of  organ- 
ization, ignorant  of  scientific  government,  but,  above  all 
and  worst  of  all,  ut  are  densely  «?//</  ffufftfty  ignorant  of 
our  own  ignorance. 

lint  it  is  consoling  that  in  life  we  shall  never  know 
less,  and  the  probabilities  are  (hat  we  shall  know  a  great 
deal  more  before  long. 

Some  ol  our  fellow-laborers  have  been  to  school,  and 
the  rest  of  us  have  met  the  scholars,  and  the  scholars, 
with  ail  the  enthusiasm  and  impetuosity  of  youthful 
learners,  have  been  telling  us  the  wonderful  things  they 
have  been  taught,  and  we  have  listened  attentively,  with 
eyes  wide  open  and  mouth  agape,  and  have  resolved  to 
u  tie  ml  school  ourselves  and  tell  all  we  know  to  our  com- 
rades, wiio  cannot  attend,  or  do  not  care  to  learn. 


F.<fiuili/y  of  Woman* 

Socialism  was  the  first,  and  is  still,  the  only  political, 
social,  or  religious  organization  which  recognizee  the 
perfect  equality  of  woman  with  man. 

it  is  true  there  are  at  present  organizations  not  social- 
istic which  advocate  "  Woman's  Rights  "—that  is,  their 
right  to  vote  and  scramble  in  the  mire  of  politics  for  po- 
litical ofiice,  their  right  to  make  idiots  and  knaves  of 
themselves,  their  right  to  join  with  the  priest  and  the 
politician  in  completing  the  enslavement  and  utter  de- 
gradation of  themselves  and  the  man  also.  With  that 
class  of  long-haired,  mush-headed,  sentimental  idiots  we 
have  no  affiliation  or  sympathy. 

The  ballot,  under  the  present  system,  is  a  "delusion 
ami  a  snare  ;  "  it  h;\*  debauched,  enslaved,  and  degraded 
man  ;  it  would  do  the  same  for  woman,  but  in  a  greater    y 
degree,  as  the  cleaner  and  purer  the  person  or  thing  in," 
the  more  easily  defiled  and  the  more  filthy  appears  the 
deli  lenient. 

If  the  ballot  or  universal  .suffrage  had  any  inherent 
virtue  to  abolish  injustice  and  tyranny  and  to  establish 


fio  SOCIALISM,  ~ 

justice  and  liberty,  our  masters  would  never  have  armed 
us  with  such  a  deadly  weapon  ;  they  know  well  that 
they  were  arming  children  and  idiots  with  toy  pistols 
and  rusty  sabres  to  strut  around  on  Fourths  of  July 
and  election  days,  aping  the  deportment  and  actions  of 
•  firemen  and  philosophers.  And,  furthermore,  they  knew 
that  if  the  idiots  ever  attempted  to  organize  and  use 
their  rusty  sabres  in  dend  earnest,  it  would  be  a  simple 
matter  to  divide,  discomfort,  and  disarm  them. 

Nay,  gentle  men,  some  of  us  are  not  children  or  idiots 
any  longer;  when  the  crash  of  panic  and  revolution 
spreads  over  the  land  we  shall  want  (Jut ling  guns  and 
dynamite,  instead  of  more  toy  pistols  and  rusty  sabres 
for  our  sisters  to  play  and  dirty  themselves  with. 

Under  the  present  system,  the  press,  the  pulpit,  and 
the  politician  control  ninety  per  cent,  of  the  male  vote  ; 
the  female  vote  would  be  controlled  in  a  greater  degree 
by  the  same  influences,  especially  that  of  the  chinch. 

We  do  advocate  that  tin;  conditions  and  opportunities 
for  betterment  shall  be  the  same. for  woman  as  for  man  ; 
that  she  shall  receive  equal  remuneration  for  equal  time 
and  service  ;  that  every  trade,  profession,  and  occupa- 
tion shall  Ik*  open  to  her,  and  no  other  impediment  or 
conditions  imposed  than  those  that  are  placed  upon 
man,  viz.  :  her  fit itess. 

Woman  must  be  made  financially  free  and  indepen- 
dent of  man. 

Until  her  financial  emancipation  is  achieved,  she  will 
be  the  slave  of  man.  If  woman  was  financially  free,  she 
could  marry  when,  where,  and  whom  she  pleased. 

She  could  then  marry  for  love,  and  not  for  a  living, 
as  now. 

She  could  then  marry  a  man  who  loved  her,  and  not 
a  brute  to  enslave  her. 

Woman    should   be   the   equal    comrade,   companion, 
competitor,  and  helpmeet  of  man  through  all  the  honor- 
able toil  and  battle,  leisure  and  pleasure  of  life. 
.    When   man   has  demonstrated   his  fitness  to  use  the 

lot  aright,  woman  should  wield  it  too  ;  not  before. 


SOCIALISM.  61 


Adulteration  of  Food, 

It  is  n  self-evident  proposition  that  without  abundance 
of  wholesome  food,  comfortable  clothing,  large,  clean, 
wcll-vcntilated  workshops  and  dwellings,  together  with 
the  best  hygienic  and  sanitary  conditions,  in  individual 
and  social  life,  it  is  impossible  to  have  a  healthy,  happy, 
and  well-developed  race  of  men. 

Therefore  we  believe  that  in  those  respects  wc  could 
approach  nearest  to  perfection  under  a  system  of  gov- 
ernmental co-operation,  as  by  it  the  entire  infamous 
practice  of  adulteration  would  be  abolished.  The  peo- 
ple in  their  collective  capacity  would  produce  only  the 
best  and  purest  of  everything  needed  for  use  or  consump- 
tion, there  being  no  incentive  or  compulsion,  from 
profit  or  competition,  to  adulterate,  cheat  in  weight  or 
measure,  or  otherwise  misrepresent. 

At  present  nearly  every  article  we  eat  or  drink  is  adul- 
terated, and  generally  with  injurious  substances  that  act 
as  a  slow  but  certain  poison. 

Who  consumes  adulterated  food  and  drink  ?   The  rich  ? 

No.  They  have  money  enough  to  buy  the  purest 
goods  in  the  largest  quantities,  so  that  wealth  has  not 
only  the  advantage  of  quality  but  also  the  advantage  of 
cheapness. 

The  poor  man  is  compelled,  through  his  poverty,  to 
purchase  the  coarsest  and  most  impure  goods  in  the 
smallest  quantities,  thus  having  the  three- fold  disadvan- 
tage of  small  quantity,  bad  quality,  and  dearness. 

The  poor  man  is  the  helpless  victim  of  every  adverse 
condition  and  the  defenceless  prey  of  every  social 
shark,  from  the  cheap  hash-house  and  grocery  keeper 
up  to  the  giant  railroad  rubber  and  mammoth  land 
thief.  ' 

Under  governmental  co-operation,  all  dwellings,  work- 
shops, towns,  and  cities,  would  be  built  in  the  healthiest 
locations  on  the  most  scientific  principles,  with  a  view 
to  securing  the  best  possible  sanitary  conditions,  and  the 
largest,  healthiest,  and  happiest  life  for  all. 


6a  SOCIA/JSAh- 


Bencvolent  Societies* 

Benevolent,  insurance,  and  secret  societies  are  a  com- 
paratively modern  institution,  nearly  all  of  them  having 
■been  devised  and  developed  within  the  last  fifty  years  ; 
'  but  society  at  large  is  now  so  honeycombed  with  them, 
that  the  man  who  does  not  belong  to  one  or  more  is  a 
curiosity  and  a  friendless  waif  ;  as  much  alone  in  the 
city  crowd,  and  church,  and  tumult,  as  if  he  lived  in  a 
wilderness. 

Let  us  briefly  investigate  the  philosophy  of  their  cause 
and  growth.  Shakespeare  says,  M  Man  looks  before  and 
after,"  in  contradistinction  to  the  lower  animals,  that  re- 
member but  little  of  yesterday  and  take  no  thought  for 
to-morrow. 

Man  is  peculiarly  a  social  animal.  He  associates,  first, 
because  it  is  nature  to  do  so?  second,  because  it  is  his 
interest  to  do  so  for  self-protection,  support,  and  com- 
panionship. Increased  facilities  of  communication  and 
transportation  have,  as  it  were,  concentrated,  introduced, 
massed,  and  centralized  mankind,  which,  together  with 
the  press,  the  increase  of  commerce,  education,  and  gen- 
eral intelligence,  have  made  the  possibilities  of  organ- 
ization almost  perfect. 

The  decay  of  feudalism  and  the  kingly  power  and 
the  growth  of  democratic  ideas  have  had  a  tendency  to 
destroy  nominal  inequalities  and  unite  hitherto  sundered 
interests  and  classes. 

But  the  bourgeoisie  or  money  power,  the  trading  class, 
the  merchant,  employer,  and  monopolist  taking  the  place 
of  absolute  monarchy  and  feudalism,  gradually  assumed 
all  the  powers  and  prerogatives  of  tyranny,  thereby  com- 
pelling the  proletarian  to  unite  in  self-defence. 

It  is  a  fact  well  worth  noting  that  ninety  per  cent,  of 
all  secret,  benevolent,  and  insurance  societies  belong  to 
the  so-called  *4  lower"  and  "middle  "  classes  of  society, 
such  as  laborers,  mechanics,  and  small  traders  or  busi- 
ness men  and  poor  professionals.  When  they  amass 
wealth  sufficient  to  be  ranked  with  the  upper  classes, 
they  cither  withdraw  directly  or  drop  out  gradually  from 
all  such  organizations,  having  no  further  use  for  them 


SOCIALISM.  63 

or  need  of  them.     The  necessity  for  continuing  in  be- 
nevolent societies  ceases  to  exist. 

There  arc  sonic  notable  exceptions,  however,  who  do 
not  withdraw — these  are  the  politicians,  the  office-seeker, 
the  ambitious  demagogue.  Such  men  can  always  havj 
use  for  a  secret  organization  to  further  their  ends. 

There  is  but  one  secret  organization  in  which  the 
majority  of  the  membership  is  wealthy,  and  where  it 
poor. men  enter  they  never  rise  to  any  prominence,  no 
matter  how  intelligent  or  honest,  unless  they  amass  large 
wealth  or  wield  great  political  power.  It  is  composed 
•chiefly  of  the  governing  classes  and  the  upper  bour- 
geoisie— the  natural  enemies  of  labor.  This  not  being, 
strictly  speaking,  a  benevolent  society,  but  an  associa- 
tion of  aristocrats,  for  mutual  admiration  and  aggran- 
dizement, we  shall  pass  it  without  further  comment. 

Tim  objects,  avowed  or  implied,  of  secret  and  benevo- 
lent societies  is  to  protect  the  poor  and  weak  against  the 
rich,  strong,  and  unscrupulous.   To  provide  fora  rainy  day. 

The  poor  man,  by  promising  to  do  the  same  for 
others  of  his  kind,  insures  to  himself  and  his  family,  in 
case  of  sickness  or  accident,  a  small  allowance  to  procure 
the  necessaries  of  life,  and.  in  erase  of  deatii,  a  decent 
burial  and  in  some  instances  a  bonus  to  secure  the  sur- 
viving dependents  from  immediate  starvation. 

In  making  this  partial  and  uncertain  provision,  the 
poor  man,  with  little  knowledge  of  the  social  question, 
almost  totally  ignorant  of  Ids  worth  and  *his  rights,  and 
of  the  duties  of  society,  has  builded  as  well  as  he  knew 
how — as  well  as  the  circumstances  would  permit ;  in 
fact,  as  well  as  lie  dared  to  build  ;  for  had  he  gone  to 
bedrock  and  laid  his  foundations  broad  and  deep,  and 
attempted  to  rear  his  structure  proud  and  strong,  he 
would  have  been  defeated  at  the  outset  by  the  bour- 
geoisie— the  governing  class,  the  money  power  ;  for  these 
tyrants  very  well  know  that  as  labor  becomes  intelligent, 
united,  and  aggressive,  their  power,  influence,  and  wealth 
decrease  in  the  same  ratio. 

Under  the  Social  state  there  would  be  no  need  of  be- 
nevolent Societies,  as  it  would  be  the  duty  of  the  state 
to  provide  for  all  who  were  unable,  from  any  cause,  to 
provide  for  themselves. 


6f  SOCIALISM- 

A  man  can  produce  in  ten  years,  from  the  age  of 
twenty  to  thirty,  working  six  hours  per  day  six  days  in 
the  week,  more  than  he  can  consume  without  wasting 
in  a  lifetime  of  seventy  years. 

By  natural  right,  therefore,  the  State  should  hold  in 
trust  for  him  his  surplus  produce,  to  be  drawn  on  at 
any  time  the  necessity  arose,  and  also  to  be  utilized  in 
educating  and  training  others  to  become  intelligent  and 
useful  citizens.  In  thus  providing  for  all,  out  of  their 
own,  the  state  bestows  no  charity,  and  the  recipient  in- 
curs no  obligation  and  loses  no  independence  or  self- 
respect,  any  more  than  if  lie  had  personally  hoarded  his 
surplus  earnings  and  utilized  it  to  his  advantage  in  case 
of  need. 

Hoarding,  saving,  squeezing,  so  as  to  make  provision 
for  the  future  is  one  of  the  most  degrading  phases  of 
human  endeavor,  and  the  prolific  parent  of  a  thousand 
forms  of  crime,  to  say  nothing  of  its  baneful  effects  on 
social  life  and  national  character. 

Socialism  in  this  regard  would  make  the  individual 
superior  to  his  fate,  superior  to  the  conditions  that 
thwart  and  wreck  solitary  effort  in  the  achievement  of 
security  and  independence. 

Bees  hive  no  honey  where  perennial  flowers  abound, 
and  if  a  wandering  swarm  from  frigid  clinics,  seeking 
should  find  those  southward  fields  where  fruit  and  blos- 
som blush  and  bloom  together  on  one  fragrant  bough 
the  whole  year  through,  their  thrifty  instincts  for  awhile 
would  hoard  the  teeming  nectar  ol  exhaustless  sweets, 
but  when  experience  taught  that  summer  never  went 
or  winter  came,  they  would  cease  providing  for  a 
stormy  time,  and  change  laborious  days  for  joyous 
case,  the  miser's  scantiness  and  care  for  generous  life 
and  free. 

Man  by  association  and  universal  corporation  could 
abolish  the  rainy  day,  the  winter  time  in  every  individual 
life,  and  relieve  him  of  the  necessity  of  stinting,  starving, 
and  pinching  himself  to  make  a  small  and  uncertain  pro- 
vision for  the  evil  day  by  inventing,  fostering,  and  sup- 
porting benevolent  societies  based  on  the  capitalistic 
idea  and  radically  wrong  ;  narrow,  prejudiced,  bigoted, 
incompetent,  ami  idiotic  in  their  conception  and  opera- 


SOCIALISM.  65 

tion.  They  arc  capitalistic,  because  every  man  before 
joining  must  be  a  capitalist  to  some  extent ;  he  must 
have  means  to  pay  initiation,  dues,  and  assessments, 
however  small. 

They  are  narrow  and  conservative,  because  there  are 
certain  qualifications  of  faith,  race,  nationality,  or  moral- 
ity required  of  those  who  would  join. 

They  are  unjust,  because  no  matter  how  much  a  man 
may  have  paid  in,  or  how  hard  he  worked  for  the  good 
of  the  order,  or  how  much  in  need  of  assistance,  if  he 
break  certain  arbitrarv  laws,  he  is  debarred  from  all 
benefits,  they  take  his  money,  time,  and  labor,  and  give 
nothing  in  return — nay,  worse,  if  he  incurs  great  dis- 
pleasure by  any  breach  of  faith,  they  blackmail  him, 
and  hound  him  down  until  death  delivers  him  from 
their  accursed  clutches  ;  in  some  cases  they  even  go  so 
far  as  to  indict  the  death  penalty,  which  in  our  opinion 
is  more  cruel  and  inhuman  than  their  system  of  espion- 
age and  blackmail. 

We  need  a  benevolent  society,  but  it  should  be  one 
of  universal  good,  where  each  member  draws  benefits 
from  the  cradle  to  the  grave.  We  need  a  Universal 
Brotherhood,  based  on  Liberty,  Equality,  Fraternity,  and 
Solidarity. 

Those  who  believe  in  and  belong  to  secret  and  benev- 
olent societies  are  like 

« 

"  A  child  that's  crying  in  the  night,. 

A  chiUl  that's  crying  for  the  light, 

Ami  with  no  language  hut  a  cry.1' 

They  are  groping  in  the  darkness  ;  instinctively  they 
feel  the  Necessity  of  light  and  know  it  exists,  but  cannot 
lind  it,  or  finding  it  burn  their  lingers  in  its  tlamc.  We 
need  organization,  but  not  mystery,  darkness,  and  hum- 
buggery.  We  need  benevolence,  but  it  should  not  be 
contracted  or  sectional,  but  broad  enough  to  embrace 
all  mankind,  and  minister  to  every  necessity  ;  not  as  a 
charity,  not  as  a  lottery  ;  not  as  a  gamble,  not  as  a  swin- 
dle, but  as  a  duty,  as  a  right  which  the  collectivity  owes* 
to  the  individual,  in  return  for  the  benefits  conferred 
on  the  collectivity  by  his  existence,  passive  and  active 
usefulness. 
5 

• 


66  SOCJAUSM. 


■  x 


v      ''     ;:      CHAPTER  VI.    -  ''     '  ; 

'  OF  THE  MEANS  TO  THE  END. 

Trades-Unions  ami  Strikes, 

Trades-unions  and  strikes  arc  valuable  as  a  means  to 
an  end,  the  means  being  education,  the  end  emanci- 
pation. 

An  ignorant  Socialist  may  despise  and  denounce  the 
trades-union,  hut  in  it  the  social  philosopher  sees  an 
absolutely  necessary  stage  of  development  in  the  social 
evolution  of  man.  In  the  life  of  Labor,  trades-unionism 
is  the  schoolmaster  (the  pedagogue)  who  brings  labor  to 
the  feet  of  the  great  teacher  (Socialism)  for  higher, 
broader,  and  better  instruction. 

The  union  gives  practical  object-lessons  in  organiza- 
tion, in  self-reliance,  in  independence  ;  it  has  dissected 
and  analyzed  the  boss,  the  master,  the  employer,  and 
now  the  laborer  no  longer  uncovers  his  head  and  bends 
his  knee  in  the  presence  of  the  petty  tyrant;  he  no 
longer  treats  him  with  the  obsequious  respect  and  defer- 
ence of  other  and  more  ignorant  days.  In  dissecting  the 
carcass  of  the  capitalist  he  found  it  rotten,  and  now 
he  holds  his  nose  when  it  passes  by. 

The  man  who  says  that  no  good  ever  comes  of  strikes 
proclaims  himself   an  ass.     There    never    was  a  strike, 
however   M  unsuccessful,"  that    was   not    morally  worth 
millions,  not  only  to  those  immediately  interested,  but 
to  the  remotest  toiler  on  the  world's  wide  rim.      In  fact, 
there  never  was  an  unsuccessful  strike  in  the  history  of 
labor,  and,  furthermore,  the  must  unsuccessful  strike, 
so  far   as  increased    remuneration  was  concerned,    has 
been  in  the  end  the  most  beneficial  for  labor  generally. 
It  resulted  in   strengthening    determination  and  resist-. 
ancc,    in     reinforcing    organization,    in    rectifying   mis- 
takes, and  avoiding  the  former  causes  of  failure.    Above! 
all,  and  best  of  all,  it  showed   them  the  utter  heartless- 1 
ncss  and  greed   of  capital.     It  showed  them  that  capi-  ! 
tal  (in  the  hands  u!  individuals)  and  labor  are  not,  and 


SOCIALISM.  67 

never  can  or  will  be,  friends,  however  much  the  editor 
and  preacher  may  prate  and  argue  to  the  contrary. 

Yes,  we  hail  the  Union  and  the  Strike  as  our  best 
auxiliaries  in  the  battle  for  economic  freedom  ;  but  the 
striker  is  going  it  blind;  he  knows,  lie  feels  there  is  a 
social  disease,  but  is  utterly  ignorant  of  its  cause  and 
costs,  lie  must  learn,  he  will  learn  in  the  near  future, 
that  the  soie  cause  of  his  trouble,  of  the  trouble,  misery, 
and  destitution  of  the  proletarian  everywhere,  is  not  in 
the  employer,  the  capitalist,  but  in  the  power  behind 
the  capitalist,  that  power  which,  created,  still  sustains 
and  protects  him  in  his  crimes  against  labor,  viz.  :  the 
Government ;  and  the  remedy  is  to  abolish  all  government, 
as  now  understood,  substituting  in  its  place,  notaKULKR, 
but  a  simple  administrative  machine  by  which  we  as  the 
people  can  do  our  own  business.  Thus  you  destroy  the 
entire  svsiem  of  slavery,  and  thus  only  establish  perfect 
LIIii-KTV. 

Political  Action. 

In  several  European  countries  where  the  elective 
franchise  is  conferred  on  those  who  possess  property 
qualifications,  and  known  to  be  naturally  conservative,  it 
is  thought  by  labor  reformers  in  such  countries  that  uni- 
versal suffrage  is  the  true  panacea  for  ail  social  and 
political  evils,  and  hence  they  waste  much  time  agi- 
tating for  this  ameliorative  measure,  forgetting  all  the 
while  that  if  the  ballot  was  the  potent  factor  it  is 
claimed  to  be,  that  if  it  could  right  all  wrongs,  abolish 
injustice  and  tyranny  ami  establish  Liberty,  with  all  the 
good  obtainable -that  such  a  two-edged  sword,  such  a 
magic  stall,  would  never  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  labor 
by  any  government  in  tiie  world,  for  the  very  logical 
reason  that  it  would  be  suicidal,  as  the  greatest  of  all 
evils  is  capitalistic  government  ;  and  if  the  ballot  had 
any  beneficent  power  and  wisdom,  it  woidd  first  of  all 
be  directed  against  government,  as  the  fountain,  source, 
root,  and  origin  of  all  tvranny  and  injustice. 

In  the  United  States  we  have  had  universal,  or  rather 
manhood,  suffrage  for  over  one  hundred  years,  yet  the 
condition  of  the  producer,  the  proletarian,  is  not  one 
whit  better  through  the  exercise  of  the  ballot  than  his 


68  SOCIALISM. 

I 

fellow-slave  of  Russia,  Germany,  or  England ;  if  he  is, 
socially,  financially,  or  in  any  respect,  better  fixed  than 
his  European  brother,  it  is  owing  to  other  conditions, 
of  population,  expanse  of  territory,  resources,  and  other 
natural  conditions  entirely  independent  and  exclusive  of 
political  or  social  life  ;  hence  we  have  long  since  arrived 
at  the  conclusion  that  the  balloi  is  a  failure,  a  delusion, 
and  a  snare  ;  that  through  it  the  present  system  can  never 
be  abolished  or  any  large  and  permanent  good  obtained. 
We  are,  therefore,  opposed  to  political  action — for  the 
following  reasons,  also  : 

First. — Iunokanck.  Labor  is  ignorant  of  its  rights  and 
duties,  ignorant  of  the  causes  of  social  wrongs,  and  the 
proper  remedies  to  apply.  Labor  is  either  uneducated 
or  wrongly  educated  on  economic  questions,  and  all 
matters  of  vital  importance  in  social  science. 

Second. — Slavery.  The  individual  or  corporation  that 
employs  a  number  of  workers  virtually  owns  and  con- 
trols their  persons  and  functions;  hence  their  votes.  To 
vote  rightly  means  to  vote  against  the  interest  of  the 
employer  :  result,  starvation  to  the  man  who  has  the 
bravery  to  do  right. 

Third. — Corruption,  the  result  of  poverty  and  exfolia- 
tion. A  man  sells  his  vote  because  he  needs  the  price 
of  it  ;  it  he  got  the  full  result  of  his  labor,  he  would  not 
be  under  the  necessity  of  selling  his  liberty  to  buy  bread. 
Thus  the  system  produces  poverty,  and  poverty  repro- 
duces and  perpetuates  the  system  ;  but  eventually  in 
Sociology,  as  in  animal  procreation,  breeding  in  and  in 
will  produce  degeneracy,  decay,  and  deal!),  and  tyranny 
and  poverty  will  go  out  together  forever. 

Fourth. — Dkmaoouy.  Party  politics,  religion,  nation- 
ality, and  side  issues  are  used  to  divide  labor  and  prevent 
it  voting  and  acting  in  its  own  interest. 

Fifth. — Law.  The  entire  Government  which  is  en- 
gaged in  making,  expounding,  and  executing  laws  for  the 
spoliation  of  labor  and  the  aggrandisement  and  protccs 
lion  of  the  bourgeoisie  is  capitalistic  in  every  country  ; 
and  if,  by  accident,  labor  for  awhile  should  be  united  and 
have  passed  beneficent  laws,  the  judges  would  declare 
every  one  of  them  unconstitutional  and  inoperative.  So 
long  as  capital  owns  the  judges,  the  soldiers,  the  police, 


SOCIALISM.  69 

the  prisons  and  forts,  labor  may  vote  as  long  and  as  often 
as  it  pleases,  and  no  good  will  result;  hence  wc  do  not 
believe  in  or  advocate  political  action  under  the  present 
system. 

How  then  do  you  propose  to  effect  the  desired  change  ? 

By  educational  methods  oniy,  until  a  large  majority 
or  an  intelligent  minority  are  convinced  that  the  present 
system  should  be  destroyed  and  a  better  substituted. 
Being  thus  prepared  to  make  the  change  through  force 
of  numbers  and  intelligence,  if  opposed  seriously  by 
capital  and  those  whom  it  could  hire  to  do  its. fighting, 
we  would  adopt  Revolution  to  the  extent  of  the  utter  ex- 
termination of  idlers,  robbers,  and  tyrants. 

Agitation  !   Education  !  !    Organization  /  /  / 

With  these  three  weapons  we  propose  making  both  a 
defensive  and  aggressive  warfare  on  all  forms  of  social 
iniquity.  These  words,  and  the  things  they  signify,  shall 
be  our  arms  and  armor,  our  shibboleth,  our  sword  and 
shield. 

Agitation  means  stirring  up,  shaking — it  might  be  called 
the  friction  of  iluids.  We  propose  to  stir  men  up,  to 
shake  them  out  of  the  lethargy  of  despair,  the  sleep  of 
ignorance  and  intellectual  death.  We  propose  a  friction 
and  chafing  of  mens  minds  until  a  healthy  action  is  pro- 
duced. 

We  propose  to  make  men  dissatisfied  with  their  lot, 
discontented  with  tueir  conditions,  as  wc  know  well  for 
the  dissatisfied  only  is  there  hope  of  highest  achievement, 
and  discontent  is  ever  the  prophet  of  progress. 

Hut  for  the  continual  agitation  and  mutation  of  the 
physical  world,  death  and  chaos  would  be  the  immediate 
result.  Content  and  quietude  arc  incompatible  with  life 
and  progress. 

Hut  for  the  winds  and  waves  and  tides  and  currents  of 
the  ocean  it  would  become  a  stagnant  pool  of  filth  and 
slime,  disease  and  death,  resulting  in  the  speedy  extinc- 
tion of  all  animal  and  vegetable  life  on  the  planet.  Simi- 
larly, but  for  the  continual  agitation  in  the  intellectual 
and  social  life  of  man,  he  would  long  since  have  become 
extinct  as  a  rational  and  progressive  being. 


70  SOCIALISM. 

Frail  barks  sometimes  go  down  at  sea,  and  mighty 
ships  are  wrecked  by  mightier  winds,  and  well-built 
cities  swept  by  tidal  waves,  and  in  the  bark,  the  ship, 
the  town,  some  good  and  pure  may  meet  untimely 
death  ;  but  for  every  victim  nature  blindly  bleeds,  ten 
thousand  better  lives  are  blest. 

The  wind  that  wrecked  the  ship  may  carry  freight  of 
golden  showers  to  bless  a  continent  with  bloom  and 
fruit,  and  in  its  rapid  flights  to  further  seas  that  self- 
same wind  may  be  the  scavenger  of  eastern  plagues, 
and  bear  the  pestilence  from  torrid  climes  to  frigid 
shores.  So,  too,  the  social  agitation  may  wreck  frail 
institutions,  and  bury  bonded  wrongs,  having  no  re- 
spect or  mercy  for  those  who  choose  to  perish  for  their 
prejudices,  traditions,  and  superstitions  ;  but  the  real, 
solid,  and  material  good  conferred  on  man  will  infinitely 
outweigh  the  apparent  evil  and  temporary  disturbance 
of  social  conditions.  Remember  this,  the  whole  is 
greater  than  any  of  its  parts,  and,  a  ft>r/ion\  the  well- 
being  of  the  whole  race  paramount  to  the  well-being  of 
its  smallest  and  most  vicious  complement.  The  whole 
race  must  be  enfranchised,  purified,  and  elevated  to  the 
highest  attainable  ultimate,  regardless  of  suffering  to 
individuals  or  disaster  to  cherished  iniquities. 

lulucati\  This  means  a  gradual  Unfolding,  develop- 
ment, evolution  of  the  mind. 

When  we  speak  of  education,  we  do  not  mean  to  cram 
with  odds  and  ends  of  book  knowledge,  as  they  do  in 
schools  and  Colleges.  We  mean  what  the  word  literally 
signifies,  to  lead  out,  to  unfold,  to  develop  the  mind,  to 
make  men  think,  and,  more  important  still,  to  make 
them  think  rightly,  rationally,  logically — to  make  them 
understand  their  rights,  and  now  the  greatest  happiness 
can  be  obtained,  not  alone  for  the  greatest,  number,  but 
for  ALL,  without  regard  to  race,  color,  and  condition, 
time  or  place. 

Knowledge  is  power;  therefore  ignorance  is  weak- 
ness, and  Socialism  cannot  wield  or  mould  a  mass  of 
ignorant  men,  and  persuade  or  force  them  to  do  what  is 
right  and  best  for  themselves.  They  must  first  be  edu- 
cated, then  all  the  rest  is  plain  sailing. 

If  you  could  persuade  or  force  ignorant  men  into  a 


SOCIALISM.  jt 

certain  groove  to-day  and  to-morrow  withdraw  the 
mora!  suasion  or  the  force,  or  that  stronger  influences 
should  be  used  to  swerve  them  from  the. right,  all  your 
labor  would  have  been  wasted,  unless  the  understand- 
ing is  first  captured,  liven  if  we  had  the  power  to  force 
men  into  our  way  of  thinking,  it  would  be  tyranny  to 
exercise  it  —  the  very  thing  we  are  trying  to  combat  in 
every  shape  ;  besides,  tyranny  is  always  morally  weak, 
and  the  oppressed  vigilant  for  an  opportunity  to  revolt, 
and  what  is  gained  by  the  sword  must  be  held  by  the 
sword  ;  what  one  revolution  by  forceful  methods  ob- 
tains, a  more  perfect  revolt  of  arms  can  wrest  from  the 
recent  despoil«»rs.  Education,  therefore,  must  precede 
and  prepare  the  way  for  successful  permanent  Revo- 
lution. 

Organize — whirh  means  to  combine  or  associate  in 
harmony,  to  amalgamate,  to  form  a  homogeneous  mass, 
to  assemble  in  complete  order  and  detail,  as  a  body 
which  is  an  assemblage  of  organs,  each  with  its  exclu- 
sive, proper,  and  necessary  functions.  A  jumble  of 
heads,  legs,  tails,  eyes,  ears,  stomachs,  entrails,  etc.,  no 
matter  how  many,  would  never  constitute  a  body  ;  in 
fact,  the  more  of  them  there  were  without  the  spirit  of 
organization,  the  more  corrupt  and  unwieldy  would  be 
the  mass  of  putrefaction. 

In  the  world  to-day  there  is  more  discontent  and  dis- 
satisfaction with  existing  conditions  than  in  any  prior 
period  of  its  history. 

And,  although  the  masses  have  not  yet  begun  to  be 
educated,  yet  with  the  materials  of  discontent  and  op- 
pression on  hand,  to  start  with,  great  changes  in  the 
social  system  could  soon  be  wrought  if  there  was  any 
harmonious  and  concerted  action  on  the  part  of  the 
producers,  the  exploited,  the  proletarians,  the  Adullam- 
ites  of  society.  Organization  would  facilitate  educa- 
tion, ami  precipitate  the  revolution,  if  one  should  be 
found  necessary.  Hut  organization  of  the  right  kind  is 
the  chief  difficulty  that  we  have  to  overcome. 

Some  of  the  chief  difficulties  in  the  way  of  organiza- 
tion, and  the  remedy  for  them,  are  as  follows  : 

J'irst. — Ignorance  as  to  the  evils  of  the  present  sys- 
tem, and   the    true   methods   of   eradication.     General 


7a  SOCIALISM. 

discussion,  agitation,  and  education  through  public 
meetings,  the  Labor  press,  and  Labor  literature  will  aid 
materially  in  allaying  this  trouble. 

Second. — Differences  of  race,  religion,  language,  and 
industrial  pursuit  are  used  by  the  bourgeoisie  to  keep 
the  proletarians  of  the  world  divided  and  antagonistic. 
A  more  general  diffusion  of  knowledge,  the  obliteration 
of  national  boundaries,  tiie  bursting  of  traditional  barri- 
ers, art,  science,  communication,  transportation,  a  more 
general  intercourse  and  better  acquaintance  of  the  world's 
workers  will  result  in  teaching  them  that  the  cause  of 
labor  is  the  same  the  world  over,  and  that  their  masters 
magnify  fictitious  differences  to  keep  them  from  uniting 
to  obtain  their  rights. 

Third. — Suspicion  and  distrust  of  leaders,  the  masses 
having  been  duped  and  betrayed  so  often,  have  but  lit- 
tle faith  in  reformers  and  their  manners  of  relief.  The 
quick,  certain,  and  ignominious  "  taking  off  "  of  all  trait- 
ors will  cure  this  cause  of  disunity. 

Fourth* — Internal  dissensions  caused  by  sore-heads 
and  would-be  leaders.  Abolition  of  all  personal  leader- 
ship, and  imposing  the  most  laborious  and  dangerous 
duties  on  the  most  prominent  and  ambitious  wiil  have 
a  tendency  to  check,  or  at  least  to  try  and  prove  the 
moral  courage  and  physical  daring  of  all  aspirants  for 
the  honors  of  immolation. 

Fifth. — Internal  dissensions,  caused  by  the  paid  agents 
of  capital  and  the  governing  class  to  defeat  the  objects 
of  labor  organizations  and  retain  in  their  own  hands  all 
wealth,  authority,  and  honors. 

Ouick,  certain,  and  ignominious  death  to  both  agents 
and  principals  will  have  a  very  salutary  effect  in  this 
disease,  if  applied  on  the  first  symptoms  being  discov- 
ered. 

Lack  of  Interest. — Workingmen  take  very  little  in- 
terest in  organizations  to  ameliorate  their  condition. 
(j)  Because  they  look  for  immediate,  tangible  results, 
each  for  himself  individually,  and  failing  toieceive  any, 
quit  in  disgust.  {/>)  Lai  k  of  time  to  attend  meetings, 
being  worked  too  long  and  too  hard,  (r)  Inability  to 
pay  (lues,  fines,  assessments,  etc.  [o)  The  business  car- 
ried on  is  generally  of  a  stale  and  routine  character,  often 


SOCIALISM,  73 

frivolous  and  even  acrimonious.  Besides,  teach  men 
that  they  must  not  depend  on  their  fellow-slaves  for 
work,  bread,  or  burial.  They  should  exact,  that  much  at 
least  from  the  robber  that  exploits  them.  Fight  for 
shorter  hours  of  labor  first,  and  increased  pay  must  logi- 
cally follow;  but  abolish,  as  far  as  practical,  all  dues, 
lines,  etc.,  make  the  meetings  as  interesting  as  pos- 
sible ;  oiler  inducements  to  the  younger  and  more  retir- 
ing members  to  give  their  views  on  the  subject  in  debate. 
Kncourage  the  esprit  dt  corps,  not  for  the  pumsc  of 
rivalry  among  different  branches  of  labor,  but  to  en- 
courage the  spirit  of  fraternity  and  solidarity  among  the 
useful  workers  of  the  world. 


Possible  Practical  and  Final  Action* 

When  the  Social  epiestion,  called  also  the  Labor  ques- 
tion, has  been  thoroughly  agitated  and  understood  ;  when 
the  masses  are  educated  in  their  inherent  and  natural 
rights,  and  are  ready  to  not  only  demand  them  but  to 
enter  into  their  full,  free,  and  permanent  possession,  and 
when  the  gi\.at  mass  of  producers  in  any  country  are 
thoroughly  organized,  locally  and  generally,  in  groups, 
clubs,  and  assemblies — then,  and  not  until  then,  should 
the  local  or  district  organizations  hold  a  general  election 
to  send  delegates  to  a  national  convention  or  general 
assembly. 

Kach  delegate  elected  should  be  thoroughly  educated 
on  human  rights  of  labor,  and  the  necessity  of  an  im- 
mediate and  thorough  change  in  the  existing  social 
system. 

This  general  assembly  should  meet  openly  in  a  central 
location,  entirely  untrammelled  by  fear,  favor,  or  preju- 
dice, and  then  and  there  carry  out  the  spirit  of  their 
instructions. and  teachings  by  drafting  a  general  consti- 
tution or  bill  of  rights,  based  on  principles  of  natural 
law,  liberty,  justice,  and  pure  reason. 

This  bill  of  rights  should  then  be  submitted  to  the 
whole  people  for  a  general  vote  in  their  local  organiza- 
tions, and  if  adopted  by  two-thirds  of  all  such  clubs, 


1 


74  SOClALfSM, 

with  not  less  than  two-thirds  of  the  entire  numerical 
vote  of  the  country  ;  it  should  become  the  fundamental 
law  of  that  country,  and  provision  made  to  put  it  in  full 
force  immediately. 

If,  however,  its  operation  met  with  opposition  from 
the  non-producers,  the  capitalistic  loafers,  robbers,  and 
the governing  class,  it  would  be  In  order  for  the  people 
to  execute  their  will  regardless  of  whom  it  hurt,  what 
superstition  was  crushed  or  prejudice  assailed. 

\\\  such  cases  force  might  be  necessary  ;  so  it  is  some- 
times expedient  to  amputate  a  putrefying  limb  to  save 
the  body  from  death.  Hut  we  believe  that  if  a  large 
majority  of  the  people  of  the  country  was  sufiiciently 
educated  on  those  questions  as  to  put  them  into  prac- 
tical operation,  they  would  meet  with  very  little  oppo- 
sition from  the  ignorant,  vicious,  and  interested  minor- 
ity ;  and  even  the  small  prejudice  against  the  now  order 
of  things  would  soon  expire  under  the  benign  influence 
of  liberty  and  justice,  for  it  requires  bu*  a  small  amount 
of  acumen  to  perceive  that  under  such  a  system  as  we 
propose  the  bourgeois,  the  capitalist,  the  king,  the 
loafer,  and  the  titled  robber  of  the  present  day,  shorn  of 
all  their  honors,  privileges,  and  prerogatives,  would  be 
infinitely  better  of!  than  they  are  now.  As  a  useful 
citizen  each  could  have  and  enjoy,  without  remorse  for 
the  past  and  any  fear  for  the  future,  all  the  benefits 
of  the  highest  civilization,  all  that  nature  and  art  could 
contribute  to  make  men  happy  —  what  more  has  he 
now  ? 

Nay,  less.  For  each  carries  in  his  breast  the  uneasy 
consciousness  .of  guilt,  the  knowledge  of  unnumbered 
wrongs,  the  hideous  memories  of  murders  fold,  and 
black  remorse  for  unconvicted,  un forgiven  crimes. 

However,  our  concern  is  not  for  the  oppressor.  We 
are  not  particularly  stuck  after  making  tyrants  happy; 
our  object  is  to  elevate  and  make  happy  the  deserving, 
and  finally  make  all  deserving,  even  the  king. 

This  is  what  within  the  bounds  of  possibility  may  oc- 
cur, but  it  is  by  no  means  the  probable  outcome  of  the 
present  lamentable  state  .of  affairs.  What  will  be  far 
more  likely  to  happen  is  this: 


SOCIALISM.  75 


Probable  Course  of  Future  Events.    . 

A  careful  study  of  the  present  competitive  system  of 
industry,  since  the  introduction  of  machinery,  and  the 
consequent  enormous  increase  in  the  productive  forces 
of  the  world,  shows  this: 

That  by  reason  of  the  entire  want  of  system  which 
characterizes  mere  profit  production,  upon  the  slightest 
demand,  goods  of  every  character  are  thrown  upon  the 
market  in  quantities  far  exceeding  the  purchasing  ca- 
pacity of  the  consumers.  That  this  same  profit  produc- 
tion, in  its  heartless  competition  to  produce  cheaper  goods 
ami  thus  secure  a  sale,  acts  continually  to  reduce,  to  the 
lowest  possible  point,  the  wages  of  the  producer  ;  that 
since  tins  producer  is  at  the  same  time  the  consumer  it 
follows  naturally  that  the  more  he  produces  the  less  he 
produces  for,  and  the  less  he  is  able  to  purchase  or  con- 
sume. Hence  capitalistic  production  is  busily  engaged 
in  cutting  its  own  throat. 

The  result  of  this  continuous  suicide  finds  expression 
in  certain  social  convulsions  denominated  "panics." 
These  are  the"  result  of  capitalistic  production  and  of 
that  alone.  Knonnous  quantities  of  goods  are  pro- 
duced, and  produced  so  cheaply  that  the  producers  (la- 
boring for  a  mere  subsistence  wage.)  have  no  money  to 
buv  them.  Unable  to  dispose  of  their  goods  a  wave  of 
bankruptcy  overwhelms  the  employing  dass  ;  manu- 
facturers and  dealers  alike  are  ruined  ;  factories  and 
stores  are  closed  ;  thousands  of  workers  are  thrown 
idle  ami  hungry  upon  the  streets  ;  they  revolt,  perhaps, 
as  they  did  in  1S77,  and  as  they  will  in  1SX4  ;  the  military 
power  is  invoked,  the  workers  are  shot  down,  the  press- 
ure upon  the  labor  market  is  removed  ;  then  the  sur- 
plus stock  of  goods  is  gradually  absorbed  ;  production 
starts  up  again,  feebly  at  first  but  afterward  with  re- 
newed  vigor  and  strength  ;  and  so  the  game  goes  on,  to 
be  played  again  and  yet  again. 

lint  careful  observers,  studying  these  facts,  sec  that 
each  panic  increases  in  intensity  and  that  its  desolating 
effects  widen  in  ever-increasing  circles.  They  foresee 
that  within  the  lifetime  of  the  present  generation  the 


76  SOCIALISM, 

r 

final  climax  will  come  when  millions  of  starving  workers 
will  raise  in  our  streets  the  old,  dread  cry  for  bread  or 
blood.  They  foresee  that  these  men  will  be  desperate, 
ignorant,  and  bloodthirsty,  aiming  at  chaos  instead  of 
order. 

We  who  sec  this,  the  Socialists,  would  prevent  it,  not 
by  preventing  the  revolution,  for  that  is  impossible,  but 
by  guiding  and  controlling  it,  so  that  its  ultimate  result 
will  be  perpetual  peace  on  earth,  good-will  to  men. 

In  this  book,  which  necessarily  is  but  fragmentary, 
we  have  used  the  English  language  in  the  plainest  ami 
bluntest  manner.  Writing  for  workingmeu  we  have 
written  so  that  they  might  understand. 

It  is  fit  in  closing  that  in  one  brief  paragraph  we 
should  lay  down  the  scientific  formula  upon  which  our 
movement  is  based  : 

The  cause  of  misery,  crime,  and  un happiness  among 
the  producers  of  the  world  is  mainly  due  to  the  monop- 
olization by  a  class  of  non-producers  of  the  land  and 
the  natural  resources  of  earth,  the  tools  and  machinery 
of  production  and  the  mediums  of  exchange,  commu- 
nication, and  transportation.  To  abolish  this  cause  and 
remedy  these  evils  the  abolition  of  private  property 
in  the  things  mentioned  is  the  first  necessity:  the  next 
is  their  seizure  for  common  use  for  the  collective  bene- 
fit of  the  producing  community. 

That  this  is  a  truthful  statement  no  wise  man  will 
dare  to  challenge.  That  within  our  lifetimes  all  men 
shall  see  it  so,  the  coming  years  will  prove. 

S.  Koiikkt  Wilson. 
A.  J.  Starkweather. 

San  Francisco,  Cal.,  September  20,  1SS4. 


APPENDIX  A, 


SUPPLEMENTAL  CHAPTER. 
On  the  True  Basis  of  Value  and  Money. 

(Noic  to  page  a.) 

The  most  important  doctrine  of  Socialism  is  that  re- 
lating to  money.  The  only  reason  for  the  existence  of 
any  circulating  medium  is  to  facilitate  the  exchange  of 
commodities.  The  loafers  of  the  world,  unwilling  or 
unable  to  produce  any  of  the  necessaries  of  existence, 
and  thereby  honestly  cam  their  living,  have  devoted 
their  most  subtle  arts  and  employed  their  most  cunning 
schemes  in  the  trade  in,  ami  monopolization  of,  the 
means  devised  by  them  t<»  exchange  the  goods  of  one 
producer  for  those  produced  by  another. 

In  strict  justice,  tins  exchange  of  the  value  produced 
by  one  with  another  should  be  equal — that  is  to  say,  the 
goods  produced  by  the  farmer  should  be  exchanged  for 
goods  of  ei/uai  value  produced  by  the  mechanic.  Were 
this  the  case  the  loafers  of  the  world  would  either  have 
to  work  or  starve.  Hut  under  tiie  present  ingenious 
and  impudent  system,  Mr.  Loafer,  under  the  pretences  of 
** distributing  the  produce  of  labor,"  or  M  providing  the 
medium  of  exchange,"  and  by  means  of  such  infamies 
as  "  rent,"  ■'  interest,"  "  profit,  etc.,  stands  between  the 
toiling  and  idiotic  producers,  and,  before  their  eyes,  un- 
der the  highwayman's  mask  of  "  law,"  and  with  the  pis- 
tol of  the  Competitive  System,  coolly  filches  from  them 
all  that  they  produce  over  and  above  that  amount  neces- 
sarv  to  enable  Litem  to  continue  the:,  unavailing  toil. 

The  whole  present  system  of  money  must  be  totally 
destroyed.     A  dollar  now  has  no  basis  of  value  ;  to-day 


78  APPENDIX  //. 

it  may  represent  fifty  pounds  of  flour,  a  month  hence, 
only  twenty-five  pounds  ;  to-day  it#  represents  twelve 
hours  labor  of  a  Chinaman,  nine  hours  labor  of  a  white 
man,  twenty-four  hours  labor  of  a  white  child,  and  thirty 
seconds  loafing  of  a  Vandcrbilt.  (I  hope  not  also  to  for- 
get that  it  is  the  street  price  now  paid  by  some  loafer's 
whelp  to  the  workingman's  daughter  who  is  compelled 
to  sell  her  body  for  bread.) 

Socialists,  who  have  thought  deeply  upon  this  propo- 
sition, truly  claim  that  we  must  have  some  KtXKll  stand- 
ard of  value  whereon  to  base  the  exchange  of  commod- 
ities. This  standard  must  not  be  an  arbitrary  one,  but 
must  be  CRKATKU  by  natural  law  and  discovered  by  Sci- 


ence. 
A 


A  producer  can  only  claim  compensation  for  what  he 
produces,  upon  the  proposition  that  he  is  entitled  to  re- 
ceive in  return  for  what  he  has  produced  that  which  he 
has  expended  in  its  production,  in  other  words,  cost 
must  be  the  limit  of  price.  In  the  production  of  any 
specified  article  the  laborer  sclf-evidently  expends  but 
two  things,  first,  his  time,  and  second,  his  life-force  or 
energy.  It  is  as  self-evident  that  the  timk  occupied  by 
one  worker  is  equivalent  to  a  similar  period  of  time  de- 
voted by  another  ;  the  life-force  spent  by  one  is  not, 
however,  equivalent  to  the  energy  expended  by  another. 
It  thus  remains  for  Science  to  ascertain  a  rule  by  which 
the  energy  of  one  may  be  equitably  exchanged  for  the 
energy  of  another  in  order  to  absolutely  prove  the  per- 
fect justice  and  practicability  of  the  Socialistic  maxim 
— "the  time  and  service  of  one  man  is  equivalent  to 
equal  time  and  service  of  any  ■other." 

Such  a  rule,  discovered  and  applied  in  practice  upon 
Socialistic  foundations,  ensures  forever  the  first  eco- 
nomic law  of  justice,  that  if  a  man  toil  not  neither  shall 
he  eat. 

lias  that  rule  been  discovered  ?  Yes.  And  so  simple 
is  it  that  a  well-worn  phrase  comprises  it  all.  That 
phrase  is  :  "  Cost  is  the  limit  of  price." 

A  producer  is  entitled  to  receive  in  exchange  for  the 
life-force  expended  by  him  in  producing  an  article  any 
other  article  or  articles  upon  which  an  equal  amount  of 
life-force  has  been  expended  by  any  other  producer. 


-     APPENDIX  A.  79 

In  order  to  measure  this  life-force  nn  unvarying  stand- 
ard should  be  adopted.  That  standard  should  be  the 
average  life  of  the  worker  in  the  occupation  where  the 
labor  requires  the  expenditure  of  the  least  life-force  per 
hour. 

For  example,  let  us  say  that  that  work  is  clerical  work. 
Statistics  being  taken  in  every  trade  and  every  locality, 
it  is  found,  let  us  say,  that  a  clerk  in  Berlin  is  able  to 
work  for  forty  years  four  hours  a  day,  that  a  shoemaker 
in  Berlin  is  only  able  to  work  thirty  years,  and  that  a 
knife-grinder  is  only  able  to  work  twenty  years.  Were 
all  these  people  paid  equally  at  so  much  an  hour,  every- 
body would  want  to  be  a  <  lerk  and  nobody  would  be  a 
knife-grimier.  If  the  hour  of  the  knife-grinder  was  held 
equal  to  the  hour  of  the  clerk  it  would  be  injustice,  for 
there  is  no  real  equality  between  them.  The  knife- 
grinder  by  working  his  whole  life  would  only  be  able  to 
obtain  two-thirds  of  the  product  of  the  shoemaker  or  one- 
half  of  the  product  of  the  clerk,  whereas  the  products 
of  all  three  should  be  of  equal  value  and  interchange- 
able. The  knife-grinder  being  only  .able  to  work  twenty 
years  upon  the  life  energy  he  possesses,  or  one-half  the 
time  of  the  clerk,  should  be  credited  for  every  hour's 
work  with  two  hours,  the  shoemaker  with  one  and  one- 
third  hour,  ant)  the  clerk  with  but  one  hour.  This 
would  be  absolute  justice.     Nothing  else  would. 

Let  the  statistics — facts — be  gathered  in  every  trade 
and  in  each  locality  ;  from  them,  and  from. them  alone, 
can  the  true  cost  and  consequent  just  price  for  any  pro- 
duction be  learned.  Nature,  science,  and  common  sense 
are  the  founders  discoverers,  and  promulgators  of  this 
law  :  let  not  the  loafers  much  lunger  defy  it. 

The  time-book  system  of  Mr.  T.  ft  Iiagertv  is  theonlv 
device  of  which  1  have  ever  read  that  would  carry  it  into 
practice  and  successful  operation.  In  brief,  that  system 
is  this : 

.  (liven  :  a  Socialistic  system  wherein  all  production 
and  distribution  is  done  by  the  •* Government H  (the 
whole  people  in  co-partnership).  (liven  as  incidents 
thereof  :  in  San  Francisco  its  proper  quota  of  manufac- 
tories where  goods  are  made  and  marts  where  they  are 
sold.     Here  follows  the  result : 


So  APPENDIX  A. 

John  Brown,  n  metal  worker,  presents  himself  at  the 
machine-shop  and  asks  for  work.  The  foreman  sets  his 
task  for  him  and  notes  the  time  at  which  lie  goes  to 
work.  John  Brown  quits  when  lie  pleases,  works  one 
hour  or  ten  as  suits  his  own  will,  only  taking  care  that 
when  he  does  quit  the  foreman  marks  upon  the  factory 
day-hook  and  upon  John  Brown's  own  pass-book  the 
number  of  hours  that  he  has  been  at  work.  This  pass- 
book is  issued  to  John  Brown  by  the  County  Clerk.  It 
contains  his  photograph,  his  personal  description  and 
blank  leaves  thereafter  for  debit  and  credit  account.  At 
the  top  of  these  blank  pages  is  printed: 

John  Brown. 

In  account  with  Socialistic  Republic,  the  People  of  the  United  States. 
Dr.  Cr. 

Upon  the  credit  side  hereof  the  foreman  makes  this 
entry  : 

Jan.  2  :  By  labor 6  hrs.  30  in. 

On  subsequent  days  lie  makes  other  entries,  so  that  on 
Saturday  night  John  Brown's  credit  page  reads  as  fol- 
lows : 

John  BkowN. 

In  account  with  the  Socialistic  Republic,  the  Fcoplc  of  the  United 
States. 

Cr. 
In  Machine  Shop  No.  22,961. 

hrs.     min. 

Jan.  2:  By  lal>or 6        30 

••     3:    4*       •« 7         20 

"     4:    "       M    10  o 

11    5*    "      "    3        15 

•«     6:    u      **   ...7. 4        20 

V     7:    "      V   • ••    5         10 

Total  for  the  week : .  36         35 

Saturday  afternoon  he  desires  to  make  his  purchases 
for  the  support  of  his  family  for  the  coming  week. 

He  goes  to  the  Government  grocery  marts.  He  asks 
the  price  of  a  sack  of  Hour.     The  clerk  in  charge  refers 


APPENDIX  A.  8c 

to  the  figures  upon  the  sack.  These  read  :  one  hour 
and  twenty  minutes.  The  clerk  explains  that  this  is 
the  average  time  which  it  has  taken  farmer,  miller,  bag- 
maker,  transporter,  and  storage  clerk  to  produce  and 
place  on  sale  this  article.  It  is  not  necessary  for  him  to 
affirm  that  it  is  of  the  best  totality,  full  weight,  and  un- 
adulterated. That  is  an  uncontested  fact,  since  the  Gov- 
ernment docs  not  deal  in  shams.  Drown  takes  the  Hour 
'and  passes  over  his  time-book  to  the  clerk,  who  enters 
upon  the  debit  side  the  charge,  entering  it  also  upon  the 
dav-book  of  the  store. 

The  package  is  marked  with  Brown's  address  and  set 
aside  for  delivery  at  his  house  by  the  Government  goods- 
carrier. 

In  a  similar  manner  Brown  makes  whatever  other 
purchases  he  desires.  At  the  close  of  them  all  the 
debit  page  of  his  book  reads  as  follows: 

hrs.  min. 

Jan.  8.     To  goods  bought I       20 

M 4 

•  I  M  - 

II         .11  4 

"  "         20 

**  "         40 

"  " I       20 

Total 15      40 


hrs.  min. 

By  labor  done 36      35 

To  goods  bought 15       40 

Time  on  hand 20       55 

This  "time  on  hand"  John  Brown  can  spend  in  the 
future,  can  keep  in  reserve  for  emergencies,  lay  up  for 
days  of  sickness  or  laziness  as  he  chooses. 

This  is  the  time-book  system  in  brief.  Under  its 
operation  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  world 
would  the  worker  be  able  to  secure  the  full  value  of 
his  labor.  B.  G.  II. 

* 

6 


.t  • 


«  ' 


APPENDIX    B. 


LABOR  PAPERS. 


As  in  some  measure  indicating  the  strength  of  the 
movement  we  append  a  list  of  the  journals  in  the 
United  States  which  are,  wholly  or  in  part,  devoted  to 
the  great  cause  of  the  proletariat  : 

Socialistic. —  Truth,  the  English  Organ,  a  monthly 
magazine,  Editor  Burnette  G.  Haskell,  San  Francisco. 
The  Labor  F/u/uirer,  English  weekly,  Editor  Joseph  K. 
Buchanan,  Denver,  Col.  F.xa  miner,  English  weekly, 
Hartford,  Conn.  Soeioio^ist,  English  monthly,  Knoxville, 
Tenn.  AVk»  Yorker  ro/ks-Zeitune;  German  daily  and 
weekly,  New  York  City.  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  German  daily 
and  weekly,  Chicago,  111.  Ta^eblatt,  German  daily 
and  weekly,  Philadelphia.  Freiheit%  German  weekly, 
New  York  City.  Vorbote,  German  weekly,  Chicago. 
JJer  Fiicielt  German  weekly,  Chicago.  J)er  A'ettf  TiJ, 
Scandinavian  weekly,  Chicago.  Troletar,  Bohemian 
weekly,  New  York.  The  Free  Soiler,  monthly,  New 
York  City.  Foutiouenost,  Bohemian  weekly,  Chicago. 
jjfeurttdf  of  United  L^ibor,  ullicial  English  fortnightly  or- 
gan of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  Philadelphia,  Ba.  The 
Protest,  English  weekly,  Exeter,  N.  II. 

Si.Mi-sociAi.isTic.  —  John  Swintons  t*aper%  English 
weekly,  New  York  Citv.  Man,  English  weekly.  New 
York  City.  The  Truth  Seeker,  English  Weekly,  New 
York  City.  The  RaJieal  Review,  English  weekly,  Chi- 
cago, 111.  I.ueifer, English  weekly,  Valley  Falls,  Kan. 
The  Non-Conformist,  English  weekly,  Tabor,  la.  The 
Daily  Laborer,  English  daily,  Haverhill,  Mass.  The  AJ- 
tertiser,  English  weekly,   Hayes  Valley,  San  Francisco. 


APPENDIX  fl. 


»3 


Mail,  daily,  Stockton,  Cal.     Palladium  of  Labort  Hamil- 
ton, Ontario. 

Sociamsticali.y  Incmnkd. — Labor  Herald,  Pittsburg, 
Pa.  ;  Vi<lctti\  Salem,  Oregon. ;  Labor  Standard,  Patcrson, 
N.  J.  ;  Advertiser,  Trent  cm,  N.  J.  ;  I^ibor  Free  Press,  Bal- 
timore, M«l ;  Craftsman,  Washington,  D.  C.  ;  Union,  St. 
Louis,  Mo. ;  Irish  ITorld,  New  York  City — all  English 
weeklies. 


!    1 


( 
♦ 


APPENDIX  C. 


DECLARATION  OK  THK  KlfUITS  OF  MAN. 

[OFFICIAL.] 

Headquarters  Executive  Pacific  Coast  Division, 
international  workmen's  association. 

San  Francisco,  California. 

The  following  M  Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  Man  N  is 
ordered  published  to  the  people  ; 

PRKAMHLK. 

Wc  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident  to  all  people 
who  have  the  welfare  of  humanity  at  heart  :  That  all 
men  and  women  are  born  free  and  with  equal  rights. 
That  they  were  endowed,  by  such  birth,  by  their  Cre- 
ator, and  as  necessary  incidents  of  their  existence,  with 
certain  inalienable  rights,  rights  of  which  even  .they 
cannot  divest  themselves  ;  and  that  among  these  rights 
are  the  right  to  life  and  the  means  of  living,  liberty  and 
the  conditions  essential  to  liberty,  and  the  right  to  the 
pursuit  of  happiness,  That  especially  enumerating  the 
subordinate  rights  Mowing  naturally  and  reasonably  from 
the  establishment  of  these  truths  and  the  principles  nec- 
essary for  their  perpetuity,  we  do  publish  and  declare: 

I. 

That  the  just  end  of  all  political  associations  and  the 
only  permissible  reason  for  their  existence  at  all,  is  the 
maintenance  of  the  natural  and  imprescriptible  rights  of 
man  and  the  development  of  all  his  faculties. 


APPENDIX  C  .   85 

II. 

* 

Whatever  rights  belong  to  one  man  belong  to  all  men 
equally,  whatever  difference  there  may  be  in  their  physi- 
cal, mental,  or  moral  force.  Equality  of  rights  is  estab- 
lished by  nature.  Society,  so  far  from  invading  it,  ought 
justly  to  constitute  a  security  against  the  abuse  of  force 
which  would  render  it  illusory. 

III. 

If  it  should  be  found,  after  careful  trial  thereof,  that 
any  form  or  system  of  government  or  society  fails  to 
maintain  the  rights  of  man,  then  it  is  not  only  the  right 
but  the  most  sacred  duty  of  the  whole  people  to  alter  or 
abolish  the  said  system  by  any  and  all  possible  means. 

IV. 

Liberty  is  the  power  which  belongs  to  a  man  of  exer- 
cising all  his  faculties  at  pleasure.  It  has  justice  for  its 
rule,  the  rights  of  others  for  its  boundaries,  nature  for 
its  origin,  and  the  law  for  its  safeguard. 

V. 

The  right  of  life,  which  belongs  equally  to  all  men, 
carries  with  it  the  right  to  the  means  of  living.  Chief 
among  these  subsidiary  rights  is  the  right  of  each  indi- 
vidual to  receive  the  full  product  of  his  own  labor,  with- 
out tithe,  tax,  or  diminution,  upon  any  pretext. 

VI. 

Every  individual  is  entitled  to  an  equal  proportional 
share  of  all  the  natural  advantages  of  earth.  The  whole 
people  should  hold  the  land,  light,  air,  and  water,  to- 
gether with  other  of  nature's  resources,  as  the  natural 
heritage  in  common  of  all  mankind,  and  of  his  propor- 
tion thereof  no  man  should  ever  be  deprived. 


86  .  APPENDIX.  C. 

f 

VII.  \ 

Every  individual  is  entitled  to  an  equal  proportionate 
share  of  all  the  accumulated  wealth  created  by  past  gen- 
erations, and  that  wealth  should  be  held  by  society  as 
the  natural  heritage  in  common  of  all  mankind. 

VIII. 

Society  can  deny  to  those  who  do  not  consent  to  this 
system  of  society  any  share  of  the  benefits  produced  by 
the  co-operation  of  those  who  do  consent.  It  is  but 
just  that  those  who  will  not  co-operate  should  receive 
none  of  the  benefits  of  co-operation. 


IX. 

Debt,  profit,  interest,  rent,  and  the  competitive  system 
of  industry. are  hereby  formally  declared  proved  instru- 
ments of  degradation  and  tyranny,  and  cancers  upon 
the  social  body.  So  also  are  the  present  methods  of 
punishing  crime  rather  than  preventing  it;  the  present 
monetary  system  ;  the  present  method  of  suffrage  ;  the 
present  method  of  education  ;  and  the  present  systems 
of  jurisprudence,  church  and  military. 


X. 

The  right  of  peaceably  assembling  ;  of  manifesting 
opinion,  whether  through  the  press  or  by  any  other 
means  ;  of  the  free  exercise  of  religion  ;  of  bearing 
arms;  of  security  of  person  against  unreasonable  search 
or  seizure,  and  of  complete  liberty  of  thought  and 
speech,  together  with  the  right  of  association,  arc  such 
necessary  consequences  of  the  principles  of  man's  lib- 
erty, that  the  necessity  of  declaring  them  presupposes 
either  the  presence  of,  or  the  recent  remembrance  of, 
despotism. 


APPENDIX  a  87 

XI. 

The  right  of  private  propcrtr  can  justly  be  based  up- 
on no  principle  except  that  of  having  been  produced  by 
the  person  in  possession  of  it,  or  upon  the  possessor 
having  rendered  for  it  the  full  equivalent  to  the  one 
who  did  produce  it.  This  rule  can  have  no  exceptions 
save  those  created  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  all 
members  of  society. 

XII. 

So  long  as  members  of  society  shall  fulfil  their  por- 
tion of  the  social  contract  they  .have  a  right  to  demand 
of  society  the  means  necessary  to  provide  for  their  sub- 
sistence. Society  is  bound  also  to  insure  the  means  of 
existence  to  those  who  are  incapable  of  labor. 

XIII. 

Absolute  justice  is  the  right  of  every  being.  The  law 
is  the  free  and  solemn  expression  of  the  public  will,  and 
it  must  be  cjual  lor  all.  Society  ought  to  favor  with 
all  its  power  the  progress  of  public  reason,  and  place 
instruction  and  recreation  within  the  reach  of  every 
citizen.  The  people  is  the  sovereign.  Government  is 
its  work  and  its  property  V  the  public  funrtionarics  are 
its  agents  and  officers,  and  the  people  justly  should  have 
the  power  when  it  pleases  to  revoke  its  mandatories  or 
recall  its  servants.  'Die  law  can  forbid  only  what  is 
hurtful  to  the  people,  and  can  prescribe  only  what  is 
useful.  Kvery  law  which  violates  or  infringes  the  im- 
prescriptible right  of  man  is  void. 

XIV. 

In  every  just  government  the  law  ought  above  all  to 
defend  public  and  individual  liberty  against  the  authority 
of  those  that  govern.  Kvery  institution  that  does  not 
suppose  the  people  good  and  the  magistrate  corruptible, 
is  vicious.    No  part  of  the  people  can  exercise  the  power 


88  APPENDIX  'C. 

of  the  whole  people  ;  but  the  wish  it  expresses  ought  to 
be  respected  as  a  wish  of  a  part  of  the  people  which  is 
to  concur  in  forming  the  general  will.  Kvery  act  against 
the  imprescriptible  rights  of  mail,  by  whomsoever  exer- 
cised, even  in  the  name  of  the  law  itself  and  withinthe 

.   forms  it  prescribes — every  such  act  is  arbitrary  and  void. 

•  The  very  respect  due  to  law  forbids  submission  to  it,  and 
if  the  attempt  be  made  to  execute  such  act  by  violence 
or  by  artifice,  it  is  not  only  permitted  but  enjoined  upon 
every  individual  to  repel  such  assaults,  even  by  force. 
Resistance  to  oppression  is  a  necessary  consequence  of 
the  other  rights  of  man.  There  is  oppression  against 
the  social  body  whenever  one  alone  of  its  members  is 
oppressed.  There  is  oppression  against  every  member 
of  it  when  the  social  body  is  oppressed.  When  the  gov- 
ernment violates  the  rights  of  the  people,  insurrection 
is  for  the  people,  and  for  every  portion  of  the  people,  the 
most  sacred  of  rights  and  the  inosr  indispensable  of  du- 
ties. When  the  social  contract  fails  to  protect  a  citizen 
he  resumes  his  natural  right  to  defend  personally  all  his 
rights.  In  either  of  the  two  preceding  cases,  to  subject 
to  legal  forms  the  resistance  to  oppression  is  the  last 
refinement  of  tyranny,  and  is  both  infamous  and  void. 

XV. 

Public  functions  cannot  be  considered  as  distinctions 
nor  as  recompenses,  but  as  public  duties.  The  people 
ought,  as  far  as  possible,  to  govern  themselves  without 
the  interposition  of  delegates  or  representatives.  Hut 
when  these  representatives  are  necessary  they  must  be 
selected  by  such  a  system  as  will  insure  their  being  real 
and  not  pretended  microcosms  of  their  constituents.  The 
crimes  of  such  representatives  should  be  severely  pun- 
ished. The  people  have  a  right  to  know  the  operations 
of  their  delegates,  and  it  is  the  duty  of  the  latter  to  ren- 
der  to  the  people  a  faithful  account  of  their  behavior. 

XVI. 

Men  of  all  countries  are  brother*,  and  the  people  of 
each  ought  to  yield  one  another  mutual  aid,  according 


APPENDIX  C.    '  89 

to  their  ability,  Jike  citizens  of  the  same  state.  lie  who 
opposes  or  oppresses  one  people  is  the  declared  enemy 
of  all.  Those  who  make  war  on  a  people  to  arrest  the 
progress  of  liberty  and  to  annihilate  the  rights  of  man 
outfit  to  be  pursued  everywhere,  not  as  ordinary  crimi- 
nals but  as  social  outlaws,  assassins,  and  robbers.  Kings, 
aristocrats,  tyrants  of  every  description  are  beasts  dan- 
gerous to  the  welfare  of  mankind,  and  against  them 
should  be  raised  the  hand  of  every  man. 

XVII. 

The  conditions  which  will  establish  universal  happi- 
ness upon  earth  consist  in  the  free  enjoyment  of  the 
natural  rights  of  man,  combined  with  the  exercise  of  all 
his  faculties  upon  the  highest  plane  of  mental,  moral, 
and  physical  Worth.  The  best  guarantee  of  the  exist- 
ence and  perpetuity  of  these  conditions  is  the  loftiest 
possible  elevation  of  humanity.  There  will  arrive  a  time, 
if  progress- be  not  impeded,  when  governments  will  be 
useless.  To  advance  that  time,  education  seems  to  be 
the  main  factor.  Hence,  what  prevents  or  constrains 
the  spread  of  intelligence  is  tyrannous  and  unjust. 

XVrIII. 

Governments,  as  at  present  existing,  are  machines 
used  for  the  purposeof  enslaving  the  people.  Such  ma- 
chines should  be  abolished  ami  society  be  permitted  to 
reorganize  upon  principles  of  equality.  The  people 
being  too  much  governed,  all  statute  or  common  law, 
except  broad  and  simple  declarations  of  principles  and 
rights,  should  be  abolished.  These  principles  should  be 
interpreted,  not  by  infamous  precedent,  but  by  the  light 
of  common  sense,  to  secure  justice  to  all. 

XIX. 

Neither  sex,  age,  color,  nor  condition  should  ever  be 
made  barriers  against  equal  and  exact  justice. 


APPEKDTX  C. 

XX. 


Suppress  the  right  of  increase  claimed  by  the  pro- 
prietor over  Anything  which  lie  has  stamped  as  his  own 
(property)  while  maintaining  possession^  and  by  this 
simple  change,  law,  government,  economy,  and  institu- 
tions will  be  revolutionized  and  evil  be  driven  from  the 
face  of  the  earth. 


DECLARATION. 


We  believe  firmly  that,  as  a  necessary  step  in  advance 
to  that  condition  of  perfect  "  au-archy  "  when  govern- 
ments shall  be  no  longer  needed,  it  is  imperative  that 
the  present  competitive  system  of  industry  and  the 
social  structure  dependent  thereon  be  abolished,  and 
that  in  its  place  shall  be  substituted  a  system  of  govern- 
mental co-operation  in  all  matters  of  mental,  moral,  and 
physical  construction  and  elevation. 

We  believe  in  the  fact  that  the  present  system  neces- 
sarily is  prophetic  of  a  future  revolution,  which  must 
cither  result  in  a  greater  and  freer  condition,  or  will 
plunge  our  present  civilization  back  into  barbarism. 

We  affirm  that,  believing  this,  it  is  our  duty  to  prepare 
for  the  impending  conflict ;  to  lead  it  when  it  shall  break 
upon  us,  and  to  bend  every  energy  to  so  direct  it  as  to 
secure  as  its  result  the  establishment  of  a  proper  system 
of  governmental  co-operation. 

We  affirm,  furthermore,  that  all  the  resources  of  sci- 
ence should  be  enlisted  in  the  battle  to  insure  success 
and  the  welfare  of  the  people  of  the  world. 

We  declare  further  that  action  ought  to  be  both  inter- 
national and  simultaneous. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  in  1S72,  at  the  Congress 
of  the  International  held  at  the  Hague,  first  arose  the 
dissensions  which  have  since  divided  our  ranks.  It  was 
at  that  session  that  Bakouninc  was  expelled,  and  carried 
with  him  thirty  of  the  delegates,  with  the  aid  of  whom 
he  established  what  has  since  been  called  the  Black  In- 
ternational, as  opposed  to  those  who  remained,  the  Red. 
The  belief  of  the  Red  was  in  the  gradual  education  of 
the  people  and  in   taking  no  forcible  action    until  all 


APPKXDIX  C%  9t 

the  world  was  prepared  ;  the  belief  of  the  Blacks  was 
in  the  total  abolition  of  all  present  forms  of  government 
by  force. 

The  news  of  this  division  when  brought  to  Bismarck 
provoked  from  him  this  historical  remark:  "Crowned 
I  leads,  wealth,  and  privilege  well  may  tremble  should 
ever  again  the  Black  and  the  Red  unite  !  " 

There  exists  now  no  great  obstacle  to  that  unity.  The 
work  of  peaceful  education  and  revolutionary  conspiracy 
well  can  and  ought  to  run  in  parallel  lines. 

The  day  has  come  for  solidarity.  Ho!  Reds  and 
Blacks,  thy  Hags  are  Hying  side  by  side  !  Let  the  drum 
beat  out  defiantly  the  roll  of  battle,  "  Workingmcn  of  all 
lands,  unite  !  You  have  nothing  to  lose  but  your  chains  ; 
you  have  a  world  to  win  !  " 

Tremble  !  oppressors  of  the  world  !  Not  far  beyond 
your  purblind  sight  there  dawns  the  scarlet  and  sable 
lierlus  of  the  iruo.MiA'T  day. 

1'ublLshed  by  order  of  Division  Executive. 

1-4 1,  Division  Secretary. 

The  International  Workmen's  Association,  organized 
August  5,  1862,  at  London,  England. 

The  names  *iuil  addresses  of  correspondents  in  Europe 
are  for  obvious  reasons  suppressed.  The  Central  Exe- 
cutive and  all  divisions  elsewhere  can  be  reached  by  let- 
ter addressed  in  tare  of  this  Division. 

The  Bureau  of  Information,  North  American  Section, 
can  be  addressed  by  letter,  through  the  Secretary, 
**  J  —4 1,**  U36  Twenty-first  Street,  San  Francisco,  Cali- 
fornia 

The  InternationaPs  Method  of  Organization — The  Group 

System. 

Let  us  suppose  that  you,  my  reader,  have  been  giving 
a  little  attention  to  the  sayings  and  doings  of  the  labor 
men  ;  that  you  have  read  and  thought  sufficiently  on  the 
Subject  to  have  a  pretty  good  general  idea  of  their  prin- 
ciples and  aims,  and  that  you  find  yourself  more  or  less 
in  accord  with  them  ;  that  still  you  entertain  some  ob- 
jections and  dilliculties  and  your  mind  is  in  a  condition 


9a  APPEArD/.y  a 

of  doubt  and  uncertainty.  Now,  let  us  suppose  you  to 
have  among  your  acquaintances  two  or  three  persons 
similarly  disposed,  and  that  you  invite  them  to  meet  you 
expressly  to  talk  over  the  subject.  Suppose  that,  as 
the  result. of  your  first  meeting,  you  are  all  Sufficiently 
interested  to  wish  to  meet  for  the  same  purpose  attain 
and  again,  sometimes  in  the  apartments  of  one  and 
sometimes  in  those  of  the  others.  Finally  you  meet 
regularly — say  once  a  week — and  from  two  or  three 
your  numbers  have  increased  to  half  a  dozen  or  moiv. 
In  the  meantime  you  have  obtained  for  yourselves,  and 
have  read  and  discussed  together,  or  passed  from  one  to 
another,  some  labor  literature.  Perhaps,  also,  you  have 
thrown  yourself  into  intercourse  with  some  well-in- 
formed labor  advocate. 

Now,  my  reader,  I  will  venture  to  say  that  the  desire 
which  vou  first  had  to  study  the  subject  for  your  own 
sake,  will  have  expanded  by  this  time  into  a  desiie  to 
spread  your  views  everywhere  within  the  cin  le  of  your 
influence,  and  the  same  desire  will  animate  your  com- 
panions. Suppose,  then,  that  each  of  you,  while  retain- 
ing your  organization  as  a  little  club — a  "group" — 
should  make  himself  the  starting  point  or  nucleus  of 
just  such  another  club  or  "group,"  composed  of  per- 
sons perhaps  living  in  his  immediate  neighborhood,  or 
associated  in  business,  or  in  some  other  way.  The  for- 
mation of  these  secondary  clubs  or  groups,  and  this  de- 
velopment, will  be  easier  than  that  of  the  first,  as  each 
will  have  the  advantage  of  an  intelligent  teacher.  Vou 
see  that  in  a  vei  v  short  time.  Instead  of  one  you  will  have 
ei&ht  little  clubs  or  groups,  each  having  a  thread  of 
communication  with  the  first  one,  which  will  continue 
to  hold  its  regular  meetings.  Within  another  short 
period  these  eight  clubs — meeting,  perhaps,  in  different 
wards  or  suburbs  of  the  city,  or  in  little  centres  of  rural 
population — will  each  in  like  manner  make  of  its  mem- 
bers the  nuclei  of  other  groups  or  clubs,  and  each  of 
these  again  of  still  others  ;  and  so  on  aU  infinitum. 

This  is  the  svstem  of  organization  adopted  by  the  In- 
ternational. Hear  in  mind  that  it  is  for  educational 
purposes  only. 

Up  to  this  point  it  will  bo  seen  that  this  method  of 


ATPENDIX  C.  93 

organization  is  very  simple  and  quite  natural ;  it  l<:  also 
free  from  any  expense  for  halls  and  advertising,  and  no 
constitution  or  by-laws  or  other  formality  is  at  all  nec- 
essary. The  time  usually  spent  in  society  meetings  in 
what  is  called  "  regular  business  "  is  entirely  saved.  As 
the  meetings  are  quite  informal,  and  probably  held  near 
the  home  of  each  member,  there  will  be  no  Inconven- 
ience in  attending  them.  Another  advantage  is — and 
this  is  an  advantage  that  belongs  to  only  very  small  as- 
sociations— namely,  that  each  club  will  probably  be 
composed  of  persons  of  about  the  same  class  and  habits 
and  quite  familiar  with  each  other,  there  will  be  no  tim- 
idity about  the  expression  of  individual  opinion  ;  instead 
of  half  a  dozen  talkers  and  fifty  listeners,  every  one  will 
be  a  talker  and  every  one  a  listener,  and  of  course  all 
will  be  thereby  more  interested  and  become  more  intel- 
ligent, and  a  real  friendship  will  be  likely  to  spring  up 
between  them.  The  reciprocity  of  thought  will  produce 
that  effect.  Another  important  advantage  is,  that  there 
will  be  little  likelihood  of  any  one  member  assuming 
such  authority  as  to  become  a  "boss,"  a  self-constituted 
incarnation  of  the  society,  making  in  its  name  all  sorts 
of  arrangements.  Nearly  all  the  present  political  asso- 
ciations are  pestered  and  damaged  by  such  ambitious  or 
unprincipled  individuals,  and  it  is  an  evil  of  the  first 
magnitude. 

Each  man  is  a  member  of  one  group  which  is  under 
the  chairmanship  of  its  organizer.  !  le  is  a'simple  mem- 
ber here,  but  if  he  desires  himself  to  become  an  organizer 
he  can  do  i.o  by  going  out  and  organizing  a  group  of  his 
own. 

Among  the  chief  objects  of  the  International  is  the  as- 
certaining of  the  individual  opinion  of  each  of  the  mem- 
bers upon  ail  questions  of  interest.  Kach  member  is 
expected  to  forward  his  views  and  thoughts  and  all  in- 
formation he  obtains  to  headquarters. 

The  International  has  here  already  an  extended  or- 
ganization, and  has  laid  the  foundation  in  many  neigh- 
borhoods and  over  a  continually  widening  district,  of  a 
reaily  formidable  association. 

In  this  way,  if  every  sympathizing  reader  of  this  article 
will  set  to  work,  it  will  be  readily  seen  how  quickly  and 


94  APPENDIX  C. 

successfully — supposing  the  ideas  to  be  correct  and  the 
times  ripe  for  them — the  party  may  spread,  like  the 
ganglions  of  the  nervous  system,  throughout  the  whole 
of  this  broad  land,  preparing  public  opinion,  in  advance 
of  the  crisis,  for  the  new  social  order,  and  thus  serving 
not  only  to  mitigate  the  violence  of  the  transition,  but 
also  to  make  the  outcome  of  the  new  system  of  society 
more  sure  and  satisfactory. 

And,  bo  it  observed,  that  with  this  system  there  will 
be  no  necessity  for  any  ccntiali/ed  lUithoiUy  or  mbitrai  y 
regulation.  Kvery  little  group  will  be  independent  and 
self-regulating,  and  will  have  the  bene  lit  of  connection 
through  its  first  member  or  founder  with  a  group  older 
than  itself,  and  will  tints  be  kept  informed  of  the  general 
movement  of  thought  and  the  progress  of  the  party 
elsewhere. 

But  the  chief  beauty  of  the  plan  is  that  a  course  of 
education  has  been  mapped  out  and  excellent  text-books 
provided,  and  that  these  are  placed  in  the  hands  of  var- 
ious groups,  who  forming  themselves  thus  into  classes 
are  enabled,  in  an  extremely  short  time,  to  perfectly 
familiarize  themselves  with  the  fundamental  principles 
of  true  social  science. 

Following  this  course  comes  a  scientific  and  compre- 
hensive course  of  chemistry.  In  brief,  the  producers 
are  scientifically  elevated  from  the  condition  of  ignor- 
ant slaves  to  the  position  of  intelligent  freemen,  pre- 
pared to  act  as  leaders  in  the  great  social  revolution, 
whose  birth  throes  are  already  agitating  the  world. 

Secret,  mysterious,  world-wide,  rftuci.lv  honey-combing 
society,  the  I.  \V.  A.  offers  to  the  daring  and  devoted 
men  and  women  of  earth,  the  sole  practical  means  of 
releasing  the  wealth-producers  from  the  shackles  of 
tyranny.  It  does  not  fear  betrayal,  since  its  system  of 
organization  prevents  the  possibility  of  treason.  It  does 
not  fear  suppression,  because  it  lias  millions  of  mem- 
bers, as  well  qualified  as  the  leaders  to  assume  direction 
should  those  now  at  the  head  be  removed. 

It  does  not  fear  failure,  because*  it  knows  its  own  power 
and  strength,  anil  the  justice  and  truth  of  its  cause. 

Suppose  that  you  call  together  eight  of  your  friends 
some  evening  this   coming  week  at  your  own  house. 


APPENDIX  C.  95 

Read  them  this  article,  then  form  yourselves  into  a  group 
according  to  the  above  plan.  Then  forward  an  account 
of  your  meeting  to  the  Division  Secretary.  You  will 
then  receive  proper  documents,  and  each  man  of  the 
groitp  can  go  out  and  organize  a  group  of  his  own,  and 
so  on.  Let  us  take,  say  a  limit  of  three  months,  to  per- 
fect each  group.  If  you  alone  should  follow  out  the 
plan,  wii;it  would  he  the  result  ?  J.et  us  see  :  In  the  first 
series  of  group** Into  would  he  yourself  mid  eight  other*, 
n  ;  in  tin*  f.eeond  series,  7;  ;  In  the  third  seiles,  h.\H  ;  In 
the  fourth  series,  5,Kjj,  That  I*  to  say  I  hut  ihcludl  ihtlM 
s«'l  in  motion. bv  you  ah»ue  would  within  one  year  or- 
g:ini/.e  effectively  nearly  six  thousand  men. 

It  is  work  of  this  kind  that  has  undermined  all  the 
thrones  of  Kurope,  and  which  in  hut  a  few  years  more 
will  make  American  workmen  ready  to  clasp  hands  with 
their  brothers  in  other  lands,  to  topple  to  its  fall  the 
whole  mighty  incubus  of  wrong  that  now  threatens  the 
whole  world  with  death  and  desolation, 


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"     *    \  *  ft  .    •         K  I        \.  .   -' •      ' 


PtPii7iB  rP- 

y  u  &&l8B&Wvi     J   Bis 


1  y  pi 

COMPOSED  OF  THE  NTHVB-GIVINa  PRINCIPLES  OF 
THE  OX-SHAI2*  Ain>  WHEAT-GEHET. 


It  restores  tho  cneroy  lost  by  Nervousness  or  Indiqestion;  rollcves 
Lassitude  end  Neuralgia;  refreshes  the  nerves  tired  by  worry,  oxcito- 
ment,  or  cxce;sivo  brnin  fatirjuo;  strengthens  a  failinxj   memory,   and 
gives  renewed  vigor  in  vl\  diseases  of  Nervous  Exhaustion  or  Debility,  i 
ItlstheonlyPnEVENTJVE  FOR  CONSUMPTION. 

Jt  aids  \condc.rfuU'j  in  the  mental  and  bodily  f/roirth  of  infant*  and 
children.  Under  its  use  tht  teeth  come  canter,  the  bones  yrom  better ,  the  skin 
plumper  and  smoother;  the  brain  acquires  mora  readily]  and  renin  and  sleep* 
more  tuxcttt/L    An  ill-fed  brain  learns  no  lessons,  and  is  excusable  \fpctxisli. 

Jt  yivos  a  lutvpicr  and  bctti  r  childhood. 

j 

"It  is  with-iho  utmost  confidence  that  I  recommend  this  excellent  pre-  i 
paration  for  tho  relief  of  indigestion  and  for  general  debility;  nay,  I  do  more  ! 
than  recommend,  I  really  ur^o  all  invalids  to  put  it  to  tho  test,  lor  in  so v-  i 
eral  cases  personally  known  to  mo  signal  benciita  havo  bet n  derived  from  j 
its  use.       I  havo  recently  watched  its  cflecta  on  a  yomitf  fri«-nd  who  ban 
buffered  from  indirection  all  h«T  life.     After  taking  tho  Vitai.I7.ki>  1'iicw- 
ruiTM.H  for  a  fortnight  yheuaid  to  me;  *  I  feel  another  |n»rson;  it  in  a  pleaa- 
urotolive.'  Many  hard- working  men  and  women — especially  thosoonp-'iir-d  ; 
in  brain  sverk — would  bo  paved  from  th««  fatal  reHort  to  chloral  and  <»tn**r  ! 
destructive  stimulants,  if  they  would  havo  recourse  to  a  remedy  ao  bimple  : 
and  so  etllcacioua." 

Kmily  Faith  kull. 

PHYSICIANS    JIAVK    PKESrmnKO    OVKU   600,000   PAC'KAfllW    HKCAUHK  THIS* 

"vNow  its  Composition,  that  it  ih  kot  a  hkchkt  ukmkdy  am> 

.    THAT  TllIC  lOUMt'LA    IS  'Ml  IN Tl'.O  ON    KVKHY    I.ADltL 
For  Bale  l>y  E>risj£y;tHtr»  or  t»y  MaU(  <*x. 

F.  CHOOSY  CO.,  56  West  25th  Street. ; 


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